The covers of the following books are not yet photographed
BARNETT Lincoln, red. Time-Life, De Wereld waarin wij Leven. De geschiedenis van onze aarde., Delft, W. Gaade, 1955.
BROWN Dale, Red. Time-Life, In de Amerikaanse Keuken., Amsterdam, Het Parool, 1969.
Editors TIME-LIFE, Mysteries of the Unknown. Mystic Places, Amsterdam, Time-Life Books, 1987.
HAHN Emily, red. Time-Life, In de Chinese Keuken., Amsterdam, Het Parool, 1986.
LIFE , de Fotografie: De grenzen der fotografie, , , 1978.
MENEN Audrey, red. Time-Life, photographs Brian SEED, London, Amsterdam, Time-Life Books, 1976.
Redactie Time-Life, Soepen en stoofschotels nieuwe stijl., Amsterdam, Time-Life Books, 1987.
Redaction TIME-LIFE, Geheimnisse des Unbekannten. Die UFOs, Amsterdam, Time-Life Bücher, 1988.
Redaction TIME-LIFE, Geheimnisse des Unbekannten. Wesensverwandlungen, Amsterdam, Time-Life Bücher, 1990.
Redaction TIME-LIFE, Geheimnisse des Unbekannten. Übersinnliche Kräfte, Amsterdam, Time-Life Bücher, 1988.
Redaction TIME-LIFE, Geheimnisse des Unbekannten.Spiritismus, Amsterdam, Time-Life Bücher, 1989.
Redaction TIME-LIFE, Geheimnisse des Unbekannten. Rätselhafte Wesen, Amsterdam, Time-Life Bücher, 1989.
Redaction TIME-LIFE, Geheimnisse des Unbekannten. Geist über Materie, Amsterdam, Time-Life Bücher, 1989.
Redaction TIME-LIFE, Geheimnisse des Unbekannten. Überlieferte Weisheiten und geheime Gesellschaften, Amsterdam, Time-Life Bücher, 1989.
Redaction TIME-LIFE, Geheimnisse des Unbekannten. Unerklärliche Begegnungen, Amsterdam, Time-Life Bücher, 1988.
SCHICKEL Richard (Time/Life Bibliotheek der Kunsten, De wereld van Goya 1746-1828, Amsterdam, Het Parool, 1971.
TIME-LIFE, The best of LIFE, Chicago, Time-Life Books. , 1973.
TIME-LIFE, Time Capsule/1941 - A history of the year condensed from the pages of Time, New York, Time Life, 1967.
Published November 2nd 2017 by Michael Joseph
The Greek myths are the greatest stories ever told, passed down through millennia and inspiring writers and artists as varied as Shakespeare, Michelangelo, James Joyce and Walt Disney.
They are embedded deeply in the traditions, tales and cultural DNA of the West. In Stephen Fry's hands the stories of the titans and gods become a brilliantly entertaining account of ribaldry and revelry, warfare and worship, debauchery, love affairs and life lessons, slayings and suicides, triumphs and tragedies.
Fall in love with Zeus, marvel at the birth of Athena, wince at Cronus and Gaia's revenge on Ouranos, weep with King Midas and hunt with the beautiful and ferocious Artemis.
Thoroughly spellbinding, informative and moving, Stephen Fry's Mythos perfectly captures these stories for the modern age - in all their rich and deeply human relevance.
Listen to the story of Pandora and the beginning of the terrible trouble of mankind.
What it is ain't exactly clear
There's a man with a gun over there
Telling me i got to beware
I think it's time we stop, children, what's that sound
Everybody look what's going down
There's battle lines being drawn
Nobody's right if everybody's wrong
Young people speaking their minds
Getting so much resistance from behind
I think it's time we stop, hey, what's that sound
Everybody look what's going down
What a field-day for the heat
A thousand people in the street
Singing songs and carrying signs
Mostly say, hooray for our side
It's time we stop, hey, what's that sound
Everybody look what's going down
Paranoia strikes deep
Into your life it will creep
It starts when you're always afraid
You step out of line, the man come and take you away
We better stop, hey, what's that sound
Everybody look what's going down
Stop, hey, what's that sound
Everybody look what's going down
Stop, now, what's that sound
Everybody look what's going down
Stop, children, what's that sound
Everybody look what's going down
The plain, simple and bitter truth is that Turkey’s Islamist rulers have supported and maintained parallel networks in Europe; thrown political, diplomatic and financial support to front NGOs whose role is to promote hatred; and run a campaign of intimidation and curtailed free speech in European nations that are home to large Turkish and Muslim expatriate communities.
Delivering a very passionate speech last month at the European Parliament, Guy Verhofstadt, president of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, called this a fifth column that is being operated by the cronies of autocratic president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to undermine Europe from within. He called on lawmakers to fight for European values and send a strong message to Erdoğan by freezing the accession talks with Turkey, which will most likely threaten this autocrat’s economic lifeline.
Turkey’s top Islamist has been secretly organizing clandestine networks in Europe to extend his influence and to create a network of supporters among Turkish and Muslim communities (especially from Egypt, Syria, Somalia and the Balkans) that could be called to serve the political goals of Erdogan. Just last week, we saw how this network was mobilized by Erdoğan in Germany, Belgium, Austria and Luxembourg where crowds gathered to show their support for this autocrat’s goals. The drive ran in parallel with similar rallies held by youth and women’s branches of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) in front of the embassies of these countries in Ankara. With this showdown, Erdoğan hopes that the EU will give in on critical issues where the EU has shown resistance.
As opposed to a constructive engagement that would help Turkish and Muslim immigrant communities to better integrate with host nations, Erdoğan’s plan is rather based on playing a “spoiler card” in the heart of Europe by creating a groundswell of public support that will be difficult to restrain when push comes to shove. For that, he funds shell companies to run the fuel line for these networks and even pours in cash from a secret stash of state discretionary funds using the diplomatic pouch. It is not surprising to see that some European politicians including several EU lawmakers were hooked by this. Some have already been exposed by name and shamed publicly, while others are waiting their turn as confidential investigations close in. These Erdoğan apologists, who are now paying their dues by taking a position against his critics and opponents, will be sidelined and marginalized.
The heavyweights in Erdoğan’s fifth column in Europe comprise three major organizations that were set up on political and religious grounds to cater to different constituencies. There are hundreds of other NGOs clustered around these big boys that move in unison when given orders. In addition to raising funds and local recruitment, they are well financed by the Turkish government and supported diplomatically and politically. To volunteers they offer perks such as facilitation of their business and family dealings in the motherland, or positions in the Turkish government or government-linked institutions for their relatives. For Erdoğan critics, they run an intimidation campaign by profiling them and alerting authorities back in Turkey so that friends and families face repression and even jail time.
The easiest way to discern the pattern among these NGOs and Erdoğan’s political machinations is by looking at how they quickly pile on when Erdoğan wants. The first organization is the Union of European Turkish Democrats (UETD), founded in Germany in 2004 but later expanded to other European countries — France, Belgium, Austria, Netherlands and the UK. It has been totally transformed into an Islamist grassroot base for Erdoğan. The organization, working closely with Turkish embassies, is an important vehicle in delivering results for Erdoğan from get-out-to-vote campaigns to lobbying activities in European capitals. Turkish government officials are encouraged to spare time to meet and attend events organized by the UETD when they go to Europe. President Erdoğan’s travel itinerary often includes a meeting with UETD officials on the sidelines of his official visits.
While the UETD focuses exclusively on Turkish expat communities, the Union of NGOs of the Islamic World (UNIW), another NGO set up by Turkish Islamist rulers in 2005, actively works among Muslim communities in Europe and other continents. Among its members are controversial charity groups such as International Humanitarian Relief (IHH), accused of arms smuggling to rebels in Syria, and the Ensar Foundation, which was involved in a spree of rapes of dozens of children in the conservative Turkish district of Karaman. Erdoğan orchestrated the coverup of criminal investigations into both and protected them from prosecution. The UNIW has been running various schemes in Europe, linking up with Muslim groups in order to secure their loyalty to the undeclared Caliph Erdoğan.
The leaked emails of Erdoğan’s son-in-law Berat Albayrak, authenticated inadvertently by a court complaint, revealed that both the UETD and UNIW have worked together in Europe to promote goals set up by the Erdoğan family. In an email dated Jan. 21, 2013 and sent to Albayrak, a man named İsmail Emanet, then head of the youth branches of the UNIW, sent a detailed report to Erdoğan’s son-in-law on activities in Europe. In the 19-page report, Emanet, who is now advisor to Energy Minister Albayrak, said the UETD must be overhauled to better realign with the Islamist government’s goals and suggested that the Turkish-Islamic Union for Religious Affairs (DİTİB), the wealthy organization that is run by imams and was sent by the Turkish government to Europe, work closely with the UETD.
The DİTİB, which used be an apolitical religious network that was relied upon by secular governments in the past, has for some time now been transformed into an instrument of hate-mongering and anti-Western political machinations by President Erdoğan. With its control of so many mosques in Europe and the huge financial resources at its disposal, the DİTİB presents serious challenges to the integration policies of all European countries that host sizable Turkish communities. In November 2015, the UETD awarded DİTİB-affiliated imams in Germany certificates of appreciations for their role in the Nov. 1 elections, which restored the parliamentary majority to Erdoğan’s AKP.
As European politicians are hobbled by internal divisions, Erdoğan sees a moment of opportunity to advance his fifth column in the heart of Europe. Using the front NGOs and transformed grassroot networks, his intelligence operatives have stepped up their intel collection efforts, run clandestine schemes, plan false flags and even plot assassinations and murders of dissidents and critics. Using the migrant deal to blackmail the EU, Erdoğan is twisting arms and threatens Europe with a flood of refugees. It is not hard to imagine what he is planning secretly.
With this trajectory of boosting radicals and hooligans among the Turkish and Muslim communities of Europe, Turkey’s Islamists have set relations with the EU back further. What is more troubling is that Erdoğan’s xenophobic and anti-Western policies give more ammunition to far-right Islamophobic European politicians at the expense of moderate conservatives, liberals and social democrats. In other words, Erdoğan is undermining European values not just by advancing the fifth column of Islamist zealotry in the midst of Europe but also by giving a huge impetus to the extreme right. In the meantime law-abiding and peaceful Turks and Muslims in Europe find themselves under greater suspicion from the larger majority because of closer scrutiny as European authorities are scrambling to defuse the risk of Erdoğan’s fifth column from developing effectively.
As a result, Turkey’s autocratic president has not only migrants to mobilize in order to destabilize Europe but also an Islamist fifth column in the heart of Europe to march forward when the time comes. The militant religious networks are already mushrooming in Europe on fertile ground provided by this fifth column’s clandestine activities.
Recommendation CM/Rec(2017x)xx of the Committee of Ministers to member states on media pluralism and transparency of media ownership
Second revised draft
1. Media freedom and pluralism are crucial components of the right to freedom of expression, as guaranteed by Article 10 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ETS No. 5, hereinafter “the Convention”). They are central to the functioning of a democratic society as they help to ensure the availability and accessibility of diverse information and views, on the basis of which individuals can form and express their opinions and exchange information and ideas.
2. The media play essential roles in democratic society, by widely disseminating information, ideas, analysis and opinions; acting as public watchdogs, and providing forums for public debate. In the present multi-media ecosystem, these roles continue to be fulfilled by traditional media, but are also increasingly performed by other media and non-media actors, from multinational corporations to non-governmental organisations and individuals.
3. Pluralist democratic societies are made up of a wide range of identities, ideas and interests. It is imperative that this diversity can be communicated through a range of independent and autonomous channels and outlets, thus creating an informed society, contributing to mutual understanding and fostering social cohesion.
4. Different types of media, along with different genres or forms of editorial content or programming contribute to diversity of content. Although content focusing on news and current affairs is of most direct relevance for fostering an informed society, other genres are also very important. Examples include cultural and educational content and entertainment, as well as content aimed at specific sections of society, such as local content.
5. In the present multi-media environment, online media and other internet platforms enable access to a growing range of information from diverse sources. This transformation in how media content is made available and used creates new opportunities for more and more people to interact and communicate with each other and to participate in public debate.
6. This technological evolution also raises concerns for media pluralism. While variety in media sources and types can be instrumental in enhancing diversity of media content and exposure to such diversity, it does not of itself guarantee it. Individuals still have to select what media to use and what content to watch, listen to or read among vast quantities of diverse content distributed across various media. This may result in them selecting or being exposed to information confirming their existing views and opinions, which can, in turn, generate fragmentation and result in a polarised society. While limited news resources and self-imposed restrictions on the choice of content are not new phenomena, the media and internet intermediaries may amplify their inherent risks, through their ability to control the flow, availability, findability and accessibility of information and other content online. This is particularly troubling if the individual users are not aware of these processes or do not understand them.
7. As new actors enter the evolving online market, the ensuing competitive pressures and a shift in advertising revenues towards the internet have contributed to an increase in media consolidation and convergence. Single or a few media owners or groups acquire positions of considerable power where they can separately or jointly set the agenda of public debate and significantly influence or shape public opinion, reproducing the same content across all platforms on which they are present. Convergence trends also lead to cost-cutting, job losses in journalism and media sectors, and the risk of financial dependencies for journalists and the media. These developments may cause a reduction in diversity of news and content generally and ultimately impoverish public debate.
8. Fresh appraisals of existing approaches to media pluralism are called for in order to address the challenges for pluralism resulting from how users and businesses have adapted their behaviour to technological developments. New policy responses and strategic solutions are needed to sustain independent, quality journalism and diverse content across all media types and formats.
9. There is a need for an enhanced role for independent public service media to counteract on-going processes of concentration and convergence in the media. By virtue of their remit, public service media are particularly suited to address the informational needs and interests of all sections of society, as is true of community media in respect of their constituent users. It is of utmost importance for public service media to have within their mandates the responsibility to foster political pluralism and awareness of diverse opinions, notably by providing different groups in society – including cultural, linguistic, ethnic, religious or other minorities – with an opportunity to receive and impart information, to express themselves and to exchange ideas.
10. In light of the increased range of media and content, it is very important for individuals to possess the cognitive, technical and social skills and capacities that enable them to critically analyse media content, and to understand the ethical implications of media and technology. Media literacy contributes to media pluralism and diversity by empowering individuals to effectively access, evaluate and create diverse types of content; by reducing the digital divide; facilitating informed decision-making, especially in respect of political and public affairs and commercial content, and by enabling the identification and countering of false or misleading information and harmful and illegal online content.
11. The adoption and effective implementation of media-ownership regulation plays an important role in respect of media pluralism. Such regulation should ensure transparency in media ownership; it should address issues such as cross-media ownership, direct and indirect media ownership and effective control and influence over the media. It should also ensure that there is effective and manifest separation between the exercise of political authority or influence and control of the media or decision making as regards media content.
12. Transparency of media ownership, organisation and financing help to increase media accountability. Transparency and media literacy are therefore indispensable tools for individuals to make informed decisions about which media they use and how they use them, to search for, access and impart information and ideas of all kinds. This makes them practical instruments of effective pluralism.
13. Against this background, the present Recommendation reaffirms the importance of existing Council of Europe standards dealing with different aspects of media pluralism and transparency of media ownership and the need to fully implement them in democratic societies. The Recommendation builds further on those standards, adjusting, supplementing and reinforcing them, as necessary, to ensure their continued relevance in the current multi-media ecosystem.
Under the terms of Article 15.b of the Statute of the Council of Europe (ETS No. 1), the Committee of Ministers recommends that governments of member States:
i. fully implement the guidelines set out in the appendix to this recommendation;
ii. remain vigilant to, and address, threats to media pluralism and transparency of media ownership by regularly monitoring the state of media pluralism in their national media markets, assessing risks to media freedom and pluralism and adopting appropriate regulatory responses, including by paying systematic attention to such focuses in the on-going reviews of their national laws and practices;
iii. fully implement, if they have not already done so, previous Committee of Ministers’ Recommendations and Declarations dealing with different aspects of media pluralism and transparency of media ownership, in particular those specified in the guidelines appended to the present Recommendation;
iv. promote the goals of this recommendation at the national and international levels and engage and co-operate with all interested parties to achieve those goals.
Appendix to Recommendation
In the context of this Recommendation, unless otherwise specified, the media are generally understood as including print, broadcast and online media.
I. A favourable environment for freedom of expression and media freedom
1. The principles of freedom of expression and media freedom, as grounded in the Convention, must continue to be developed in a way that takes full account of the features of the present multi-media ecosystem, in which a range of new media actors have come to the fore.
2. States have a positive obligation to foster a favourable environment for freedom of expression, in which everyone can exercise their right to freedom of expression and participate in public debate effectively, irrespective of whether or not their views are received favourably by the State or others. States should guarantee free and pluralistic media for their valuable contribution to robust public debate in which societal diversity can be articulated and explored.
3. National legislative and policy frameworks should safeguard the editorial independence and operational autonomy of all media so that they can carry out their key tasks in democratic society. The frameworks should be designed and implemented in such ways as to prevent the State, or any powerful political, economic, religious or other groups from acquiring dominance and exerting pressure on the media.
4. Relevant legislation should ensure that the media have the freedom at all times to provide accurate and reliable reporting on matters of public interest, in particular concerning vital democratic processes and activities, such as elections, referenda and public consultations on matters of general interest. Adequate safeguards should also be put in place to prevent interference with editorial independence of the media in relation to coverage of conflicts, crises and other sensitive situations where quality journalism and reporting are key tools in countering propaganda and disinformation.
5. In a favourable environment for freedom of expression, media regulatory authorities and other authorities or entities entrusted with responsibility for regulating or monitoring other (media) service providers or media pluralism must be able to carry out their remit in an effective, transparent and accountable manner. A prerequisite for them to be able to do so is that they themselves enjoy independence that is guaranteed in law and borne out in practice.
6. The independence of the authorities and entities referred to in the previous paragraph should be guaranteed by ensuring that they: have open and transparent appointment and dismissal procedures; have adequate human and financial resources and autonomous budget allocation; work to transparent procedures and decision-making; have the power to take autonomous decisions and enforce them, and that their decisions are subject to appeal.
7. States should ensure transparency of media ownership, organisation and financing, as well as promote media literacy, in order to provide individuals with the information and critical awareness that they need in order to access diverse information and participate fully in the present multi-media ecosystem.
II. Media pluralism and diversity of media content
General requirements of pluralism
1. As ultimate guarantors of pluralism, States have a positive obligation to put in place an appropriate legislative and policy framework to that end. This implies adopting appropriate measures to ensure sufficient variety in the overall range of media types, bearing in mind differences in terms of their purposes, functions and geographical reach. The complementary nature of different media types strengthens external pluralism and can contribute to creating and maintaining diversity of media content.
2. States are called upon to ensure that there is periodic independent monitoring and evaluation of the state of media pluralism in their jurisdictions based on a set of objective and transparent criteria for identifying risks to the variety in ownership of media sources and outlets, the diversity of media types, the diversity of viewpoints represented by political, ideological, cultural and social groups, and the diversity of interests and viewpoints relevant to local and regional communities. States are further urged to develop and enforce appropriate regulatory and policy responses effectively addressing any risks found.
Specific requirements of pluralism
Diversity of content
3. States should adopt regulatory and policy measures to promote the availability and accessibility of the broadest possible diversity of media content as well as the representation of the whole diversity of society in the media, including by supporting initiatives by media to those ends.
States should encourage the development of open, independent, transparent and participatory initiatives by social media, media stakeholders, civil society and academia, that seek to improve effective exposure of users to the broadest possible diversity of media content online.
Wherever the visibility, findability and accessibility of media content online is influenced by automated processes, whether they are purely automated processes or used in combination with human decisions, States should encourage social media, media stakeholders, civil society and academia to engage in open, independent, transparent and participatory initiatives that:
- increase the transparency of the processes of online distribution of media content, including automated processes;
- assess the impact of such processes on users’ effective exposure to a broad diversity of media content, and
- seek to improve these distribution processes in order to improve users’ exposure to the broadest possible diversity of media content.
4. States should make particular efforts, taking advantage of technological developments, to ensure that the broadest possible diversity of media content, including in different languages, is accessible to all groups in society, particularly those which may have specific needs or face disadvantage or obstacles when accessing media content, such as minority groups, children, the elderly and persons with cognitive or physical disabilities.
5. Diversity of media content can only be properly gauged when there are high levels of transparency about editorial and commercial content: media and other actors should adhere to the highest standards of transparency regarding the provenance of their content and always signal clearly when content is provided by political sources or involves advertising or other forms of commercial communications, such as sponsoring and product placement. This also applies to user-generated content and to hybrid forms of content, including branded content, native advertising and advertorials and infotainment.
Institutional arrangement of media pluralism
6. States should recognise the crucial role of public service media in fostering public debate, political pluralism and awareness of diverse opinions. States should accordingly guarantee adequate conditions for public service media to continue to play this role in the multi-media landscape, including by providing them with appropriate support for innovation and the development of digital strategies and new services.
7. States should adopt appropriate specific measures to protect the editorial independence and operational autonomy of public service media by keeping the influence of the State at arm’s length. The supervisory and management boards of public service media must be able to operate in a fully independent manner and the rules governing their composition and appointment procedures must contain adequate checks and balances to ensure that independence.
8. States should also ensure stable, sustainable, transparent and adequate funding for public service media in order to guarantee their independence from governmental, political and commercial pressures and enable them to provide a broad range of pluralistic information and diverse content. This can also help to counterbalance any risks caused by a situation of media concentration.
9. States should encourage and support the establishment and functioning of community, minority, regional and local media, including by providing financial mechanisms to foster their development. Such independent media give a voice to communities and individuals on topics relevant to their needs and interests, and are thus instrumental in creating public exposure for issues that may not be represented in the mainstream media and in facilitating inclusive and participatory processes of dialogue within and across communities and at regional and local levels.
10. States should facilitate access to cross-border media, which serve communities outside the country where they are established, supplement national media and can help certain groups in society, including immigrants, refugees and diaspora communities, to maintain ties with their countries of origin, native cultures and languages.
Support measures for the media and media pluralism
11. For the purpose of enhancing media pluralism, States should develop strategies and mechanisms to support professional news media and quality journalism, including news production capable of addressing diverse needs and interests of groups that may not be sufficiently represented in the media. They should explore a wide range of measures, including various forms of non-financial and financial support such as advertising and subsidies, which would be available to different media types and platforms, including those of online media. States are also encouraged to support projects relating to journalism education, media research and innovative approaches to strengthen media pluralism and freedom of expression.
12. Support measures should have clearly defined purposes; be based on pre-determined clear, precise, equitable, objective and transparent criteria, and be implemented in full respect of the editorial and operational autonomy of the media. Such measures could include positive measures to enhance the quantity and quality of media coverage of issues that are of interest and relevance to groups which are underrepresented in the media.
13. Support measures should be administered in a non-discriminatory and transparent manner by a body enjoying functional and operational autonomy such as an independent media regulatory authority. An effective monitoring system should also be introduced to supervise such measures, to ensure that they serve the purpose for which they are intended.
III. Regulation of media ownership: ownership, control and concentration
1. In order to guarantee effective pluralism in their jurisdictions, States should adopt and implement a comprehensive regulatory framework for media ownership and control that is adapted to the current state of the media industry. Such a framework should take full account of media convergence and the impact of online media.
Ownership and control
2. Regulation of competition in the media market including merger control should prevent individual actors from acquiring significant market power in the overall national media sector or in a specific media market/sector at the national level or sub-national levels, to the extent that such concentration of ownership limits meaningful choice in the available media content.
3. Media ownership regulation should apply to all media and could include restrictions on horizontal, vertical and cross-media ownership, including by determining thresholds of ownership in line with Recommendation CM/Rec 2007(2) of the Committee of Ministers to member states on media pluralism and diversity of media content. Those thresholds may be based on a number of criteria such as capital shares, voting rights, circulation, revenues, audience share or audience reach.
4. States should set criteria for determining ownership and control of media companies by explicitly addressing direct and beneficial ownership and control. Relevant criteria can include proprietary, financial or voting strength within a media company or companies and the determination of the different levels of strength that lead to exercising control or direct or indirect influence over the strategic decision-making of the company or companies including their editorial policy.
5. As the key democratic tasks of the media include holding authorities to account, legislation should stipulate that the exercise of political authority or influence is incompatible with involvement in the ownership, management or editorial decision-making of the media. The incompatibility of these functions should be recognised as a matter of principle and should not be made conditional on the existence of particular conditions. The criteria of incompatibility and a range of appropriate measures for addressing conflicts of interest should be set out clearly in law.
6. Any restrictions on the extent of foreign ownership of media should apply in a non-discriminatory manner to all such companies and should take full account of the States’ positive obligation to guarantee pluralism and of the relevant guidelines set out in this Recommendation.
7. States are also encouraged to develop and apply suitable methodologies for the assessment of media concentration. In addition to measuring the availability of media sources, this assessment should reflect the real influence of individual media by adopting an audience-based approach and using appropriate sets of criteria to measure the use and impact of individual media on opinion-forming.
8. Media ownership regulation should include procedures to prevent media mergers or acquisitions that could adversely affect pluralism of media ownership or diversity of media content. Such procedures could involve a requirement for media owners to notify the relevant independent regulatory authority of any proposed media merger or acquisition whenever the ownership and control thresholds, as set out in legislation, are met.
9. The relevant independent regulatory authority should be vested with powers to assess the expected impact of any proposed concentration on media pluralism and to make recommendations or decisions, as appropriate, about whether the proposed merger or acquisition should be cleared, subject or not to any restrictions or conditions, including divestiture. Decisions of the independent authority should be subject to judicial review.
IV. Transparency of media ownership, organisation and financing
1. States should guarantee a regime of transparency regarding media ownership that ensures the availability of the data necessary for informed regulation and decision-making and enables the public to access those data in order to help them to analyse and evaluate the information, ideas and opinions disseminated by the media.
2. To this end, States should adopt and implement legislation that sets out enforceable disclosure/transparency obligations for media in a clear and precise way. Such obligations should, as a minimum, include the following information:
- Legal name and contact details of a media outlet;
- Name(s) and contact details of the direct owner(s) with shareholdings enabling them to exercise influence on the operation and strategic decision-making of the media outlet. States are recommended to apply a threshold of 5% shareholding for the purpose of the disclosure obligations.
- Identity and contact details of natural persons with beneficial shareholdings. Beneficial shareholding applies to natural persons who ultimately own or control shares in a media outlet or on whose behalf those shares are held, enabling them to indirectly exercise control or significant influence on the operation and strategic decision-making of the media outlet.
- Information on the nature and extent of the share-holdings or voting rights of the above legal and/or natural persons in other media, media-related or advertising companies which could lead to decision-making influence over those companies, or positions held in political parties;
- Name(s) of the persons with actual editorial responsibility or the actual authors of editorial content;
- Changes in ownership and control arrangements of a media outlet.
3. The scope of the above minima for disclosure/transparency obligations for the media includes legal and natural persons based in other jurisdictions and their relevant interests in other jurisdictions.
4. High levels of transparency should also be ensured with regard to the sources of financing of media outlets in order to provide a comprehensive picture of the different sources of potential interference with the editorial and operational independence of the media and allow for effective monitoring and controlling of such risks.
5. To this end, States should adopt and implement legislation that sets out enforceable disclosure of the following information:
- Information on the sources of the media outlet’s income, including from State and other funding mechanisms and (State) advertising.
- The existence of structural relationships or contractual cooperation with other media or advertising companies, political parties or the State, including in respect of State advertising;
6. Legislation should set out clear criteria as to which media are subject to these reporting obligations. The obligations may be limited with regard to factors such as the commercial nature of the media outlet, a wide audience reach, exercise of editorial control, frequency and regularity of publication or broadcast, etc., or a combination thereof. Legislation should also determine the timeframe within which reporting obligations must be met.
7. Such legislation should also require the maintenance of a public, online database of media ownership and control arrangements in the State, with disaggregated data about different types of media (markets/sectors) and regional and/or local levels, as relevant. Those databases should be kept up to date on a rolling basis and they should be available to the public free of charge. They should be accessible and searchable; their contents should be made available in open formats and there should not be restrictions on their re-use.
8. Reporting requirements relating to media ownership should include the provision of:
- A description of media ownership and control arrangements for media under its jurisdiction (including media whose services are directed at other countries);
- A description of changes to the media ownership and control arrangements within the State during the reporting period;
- An analysis of the impact of those changes on media pluralism in the State.
9. Legislation should provide for the publication of reports on media ownership to be accompanied by appropriate explanations of the data and the methodologies used to collect and organise them, in order to help members of the public to interpret the data and understand their significance.
10. States should issue clear, up-to-date guidance on the interrelationship and implications of the different regulatory regimes and on how to implement them correctly and coherently. That guidance could take the form of user-friendly guidelines, handbooks, manuals, etc.
11. States should also facilitate inter-agency cooperation, including the relevant exchange of information about media ownership held by media regulatory authorities, competition authorities and company registers. Similarly, the exchange of information and best practices with other national authorities, both within their own jurisdiction and in other jurisdictions, should be facilitated.
V. Media literacy/education
1. States should introduce legislative provisions or strengthen existing ones that promote media literacy with a view to enabling individuals to access, understand, critically analyse, evaluate, use and create content through a range of legacy and digital (including social) media.
2. States should also develop a national media literacy policy and ensure its operationalisation and implementation through (multi-)annual action plans. A key strategy for that purpose could be to support the creation of a national media literacy network comprising a wide range of stakeholders, or the further development of such a network where it already exists.
3. In the multi-media ecosystem, media literacy is essential for people of all ages and all walks of life. Law and/or policy measures promoting media literacy should thus help to develop the teaching of media literacy in school curricula at all levels and as part of lifelong learning cycles, including by providing suitable training and adequate resources for teachers and educational institutions to develop teaching programmes. Any measures adopted should be developed in consultation with teachers and trainers with a view to ensuring a fair and appropriate integration of relevant activities in work-flows. Any measures adopted should not interfere with the academic autonomy of educational institutions in curricular matters.
4. States should encourage all media, without interfering with their editorial independence, to promote media literacy through policies, strategies and activities. They should also promote media literacy through support schemes for media, taking into account the particular roles of public service media and community media.
5. States should ensure that independent national regulatory authorities have the scope and resources to promote media literacy in ways that are relevant to their mandates and encourage them to do so.
6. States are encouraged to include in their national media literacy programmes focuses on media pluralism and transparency of media ownership in order to help citizens to make an informed and critical evaluation of the information and ideas propagated via the media. To this end, States are called upon to include in their strategies for ensuring transparency in the media sector educational content which enables individuals to use information relating to media ownership, organisation and financing, in order to better understand the different influences on the production, collection, curation and dissemination of media content.
Height: 1,57 m
Looking for job security in the knowledge economy? Just learn to code. At least, that’s what we’ve been telling young professionals and mid-career workers alike who want to hack it in the modern workforce—in fact, it’s advice I’ve given myself. And judging by the proliferation of coding schools and bootcamps we’ve seen over the past few years, not a few have eagerly heeded that instruction, thinking they’re shoring up their livelihoods in the process.
Unfortunately, many have already learned the hard way that even the best coding chops have their limits. More and more, "learn to code" is looking like bad advice.
CODING CAN’T SAVE YOU
Anyone competent in languages such as Python, Java, or even web coding like HTML and CSS, is currently in high demand by businesses that are still just gearing up for the digital marketplace. However, as coding becomes more commonplace, particularly in developing nations like India, we find a lot of that work is being assigned piecemeal by computerized services such as Upwork to low-paid workers in digital sweatshops.
This trend is bound to increase. The better opportunity may be to use your coding skills to develop an app or platform yourself, but this means competing against thousands of others doing the same thing—and in an online marketplace ruled by just about the same power dynamics as the digital music business.
Besides, learning code is hard, particularly for adults who don’t remember their algebra and haven’t been raised thinking algorithmically. Learning code well enough to be a competent programmer is even harder.
Although I certainly believe that any member of our highly digital society should be familiar with how these platforms work, universal code literacy won’t solve our employment crisis any more than the universal ability to read and write would result in a full-employment economy of book publishing.
It’s actually worse. A single computer program written by perhaps a dozen developers can wipe out hundreds of jobs. As the author and entrepreneur Andrew Keen has pointed out, digital companies employ 10 times fewer people per dollar earned than traditional companies. Every time a company decides to relegate its computing to the cloud, it's free to release a few more IT employees.
Most of the technologies we're currently developing replace or obsolesce far more employment opportunities than they create. Those that don’t—technologies that require ongoing human maintenance or participation in order to work—are not supported by venture capital for precisely this reason. They are considered unscalable because they demand more paid human employees as the business grows.
TRAINING OUR ROBO-REPLACEMENTS
Finally, there are jobs for those willing to assist with our transition to a more computerized society. As employment counselors like to point out, self-checkout stations may have cost you your job as a supermarket cashier, but there’s a new opening for that person who assists customers having trouble scanning their items at the kiosk, swiping their debit cards, or finding the SKU code for Swiss chard. It’s a slightly more skilled job and may even pay better than working as a regular cashier.
But it’s a temporary position: Soon enough, consumers will be as proficient at self-checkout as they are at getting cash from the bank machine, and the self-checkout tutor will be unnecessary. By then, digital tagging technology may have advanced to the point where shoppers just leave stores with the items they want and get billed automatically.
For the moment, we’ll need more of those specialists than we’ll be able to find—mechanics to fit our current cars with robot drivers, engineers to replace medical staff with sensors, and to write software for postal drones. There will be an increase in specialized jobs before there's a precipitous drop. Already in China, the implementation of 3-D printing and other automated solutions is threatening hundreds of thousands of high-tech manufacturing jobs, many of which have existed for less than a decade.
American factories would be winning back this business but for a shortage of workers with the training necessary to run an automated factory. Still, this wealth of opportunity will likely be only temporary. Once the robots are in place, their continued upkeep and a large part of their improvement will be automated as well. Humans may have to learn to live with it.
This conundrum was first articulated back in the 1940s by the cybernetics pioneer Norbert Wiener, whose work influenced members of the Eisenhower Administration to start worrying about what would come after industrialism. By 1966, the United States convened the first and only sessions of the National Commission on Technology, Automation, and Economic Progress, which published six (mostly ignored) volumes sizing up what would later be termed the "post-industrial economy."
Today, it’s MIT’s Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee who appear to be leading the conversation about technology’s impact on the future of employment—what they call the "great decoupling." Their extensive research shows, beyond reasonable doubt, that technological progress eliminates jobs and leaves average workers worse off than they were before.
Yet it’s hard to see this great decoupling as a mere unintended consequence of digital technology. It is not a paradox but the realization of the industrial drive to remove humans from the value equation. That’s the big news: The growth of an economy does not mean more jobs or prosperity for the people living in it.
"I would like to be wrong," a flummoxed McAfee confided in the same article, "but when all these science-fiction technologies are deployed, what will we need all the people for?"
When technology increases productivity, a company has a new excuse to eliminate jobs and use the savings to reward its shareholders with dividends and stock buybacks. What would've been lost to wages is instead turned back into capital. So the middle class hollows out, and the only ones left making money are those depending on the passive returns from their investments.
It turns out that digital technology merely accelerates this process to the point where we can all see it occurring. It's just that we haven't all taken notice yet—we’ve been busy coding.
"It’s the great paradox of our era," Brynjolfsson explained to MIT Technology Reviewin 2013. "Productivity is at record levels, innovation has never been faster, and yet at the same time, we have a falling median income and we have fewer jobs. People are falling behind because technology is advancing so fast and our skills and organizations aren’t keeping up."
[This post is based on Douglas Rushkoff’s new book, Throwing Rocks at the Google Bus: How Growth Became the Enemy of Prosperity and originally appeared in Fast Company.]
March 14, 2016
Excerpt of an article originally published under the title "Latest Survey Finds 25% of French Teenagers Are Muslims."
One of the most striking cases of reality denial in contemporary France is demography: issues like birthrate, life expectancy, immigration, and emigration. On the face of it, you can hardly ignore such things, since they constantly reshape your environment and your way of life. Even without resorting to statistics, you are bound to perceive, out of day-to-day experience, what the current balance is between younger and older people, how many kids are to be found at an average home, and the ethnicity or religion of your neighbors, or the people you relate to at work or in business.
The French elites, both on the right and left, managed for five decades at least to dismiss the drastic demographic changes that had been taking place in their country, including the rise of Islam, since they clashed with too many political concepts – or fantasies – they had been brainwashed into accepting: the superiority of the "French social model;" the unique assimilative capacity of French society; equality for equality's sake; the primacy of individual values over family values; secularism; francophonie, or the assumption that all French-speaking nations in the world were a mere extension of France, and that all nations that defined themselves as "Francophone" did speak French or were subdued by French culture; and finally la politique arabe et islamique de la France, a supposed political and strategic affinity with the Arab and Muslim world.
Until 2004, compilation of ethnic, racial, and religious statistics was prohibited under French law.
One way for the elites to deny demographics was to reject ethnic-related investigation on legal or ethical grounds. Until 2004, ethnic, racial, and religious statistics were not allowed under French law – ostensibly to prevent a return of Vichy State-style racial persecutions. Even as the law was somehow relaxed, first in 2004 and again in 2007, many statisticians or demographers insisted on retaining a de facto ban on such investigations.
The issue turned into a nasty civil war among demographers, and especially within INED (the French National Institute for Demographic Studies) between a "classic" wing led by older demographers like Henri Léridon and Gérard Calot and then by the younger Michèle Tribalat, and a liberal or radical wing led by Hervé Le Bras.
In a recent interview with the French weekly Le Point, Tribalat dryly observed that the "well-connected" Le Bras described her as "the National Front Darling," an assertion that "destroyed her professional reputation." The son of a prestigious Catholic historian, Le Bras is indeed a very powerful man in his own right, who managed throughout his own career to accumulate tenures, honors, and positions of influence both in France and abroad.
The irony about his accusation against Tribalat is that, while intent to discuss the issue of immigration, she is an extremely cautious and conservative expert when it comes to actual figures. She has always tended to play down, in particular, the size of the French Muslim community.
In 1997, I observed in an essay for Middle East Quarterly that figures about French Islam were simply chaotic: there was too much discrepancy between sources:
The Ministry of Interior and Ined routinely speak of a Muslim population in France of 3 million. Sheikh Abbas, head of the Great Mosque in Paris, in 1987 spoke of twice as many – 6 million. Journalists usually adopt an estimate somewhere in the middle: for example, Philippe Bernard of Le Monde uses the figure of 3 to 4 million. The Catholic Church, a reliable source of information on religious trends in France, also estimates 4 million. Arabies, a French-Arab journal published in Paris, provides the following breakdown: 3.1 million Muslims of North African origin, 400,000 from the Middle East, 300,000 from Africa, 50,000 Asians, 50,000 converts of ethnic French origin, and 300,000 illegal immigrants from unknown countries. This brings the total to 4.2 million. One can state with reasonable certainty that the Muslim population of France numbers over 3 million (about 5 percent of the total French population) and quite probably over 4 million (6.6 percent).
Nineteen years later, accuracy has hardly improved in this respect. All sources agree that France as a whole underwent a moderate demographic growth: from 57 to 67 million, a 15% increase. (Throughout the same period of time, the U.S. enjoyed a 22% population increase, and China, under a government-enforced one-child policy, a 27% increase.) All sources agree also that there was a much sharper increase in French Muslim demographics – and that, accordingly, the moderate national growth may in fact just reflect the Muslim growth.
For all that, however, there are still no coherent figures about the Muslim community. According to CSA, a pollster that specializes in religious surveys, 6% of the citizens and residents of France identified with Islam in 2012: about 4 million people out of 65 million. IFOP, a leading national pollster, settled for 7% in 2011: 4.5 million. Pew concluded in 2010 a figure of 7.5%: 4.8 million. The CIA World Factbook mentioned 7% to 9% in 2015: from 4.6 to almost 6 million out of 66 million. INED claimed as early as 2009 an 8% figure: 5.1 million. Later, INED and French government sources gave 9% in 2014: 5.8 million.
Over two decades, the French Muslim population is thus supposed to have increased by 25% according to the lowest estimations, by 50% according to median estimations, or even by 100% if one compares the INED and government figures of 1997 to those of 2014, from 3 million to almost 6 million.
This is respectively almost two times, three times, or six times the French average population growth.
An impressive leap forward, whatever the estimation. But even more impressive is, just as was the case in 1997, the discrepancy between the estimates. Clearly, one set of estimates, at least, must be entirely erroneous. And it stands to reason that the lowest estimates are the least reliable.
First, we have a long-term pattern according to which, even within the lowest estimates, the Muslim population increase is accelerating. One explanation is that the previous low estimates were inaccurate.
Second, low estimates tend to focus on the global French population on one hand and on the global French Muslim population on the other hand, and to bypass a generational factor. The younger the population cohorts, the higher the proportion of Muslims. This is reflected in colloquial French by the widespread metonymical substitution of the word "jeune" (youth) for "jeune issu de l'immigration" (immigrant youth), or "jeune issu de la diversité" (non-European or non-Caucasian youth).
According to the first ethnic-related surveys released in early 2010, fully a fifth of French citizens or residents under twenty-four were Muslims.
Proportions were even higher in some places: 50% of the youth were estimated to be Muslim in the département (county) of Seine-Saint-Denis in the northern suburbs of Paris, or in the Lille conurbation in Northern France. A more recent survey validates these numbers.
Once proven wrong, deniers do not make amends. They move straight from fantasy to surrender.
An investigation of the French youths' religious beliefs was conducted last spring by Ipsos. It surveyed nine thousand high school pupils in their teens on behalf of the French National Center for Scientific Research (CNRS) and Sciences Po Grenoble.
The data was released on February 4, 2016, by L'Obs, France's leading liberal newsmagazine. Here are its findings:
38.8% of French youths do not identify with a religion.
33.2% describe themselves as Christian.
25.5% call themselves Muslim.
1.6% identify as Jewish.
Only 40% of the young non-Muslim believers (and 22% of the Catholics) describe religion as "something important or very important."
But 83% of young Muslims agree with that statement.
Such figures should deal the death blow to demographic deniers. Except that once proven wrong, deniers do not make amends. Rather, they contend that since there is after all a demographic, ethnic, and religious revolution, it should be welcomed as a good and positive thing. Straight from fantasy to surrender.
Michel Gurfinkiel, a Shillman-Ginsburg Fellow at the Middle East Forum, is the founder and president of the Jean-Jacques Rousseau Institute, a conservative think tank in France.
In an article for the Russia in Global Affairs magazine, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov outlines the historical importance of Russian foreign policy over the course of the last 1,000 years, arguing that Russian policy has always been based on preserving the fragile balance of peace and stability in international relations. Any attempts to isolate Moscow as a major world power have led to historical defeats and countless deaths, he says.
“During at least the past two centuries any attempts to unite Europe without Russia and against it have inevitably led to grim tragedies, the consequences of which were always overcome with the decisive participation of our country,” Lavrov wrote.
Being the largest country on earth with a unique “cultural matrix,” Russia has always followed its own national interests, Lavrov argues. Yet at the same time it has served as a bridge between the East and the West, while Russians have always welcomed and respected numerous religions and cultures.
While welcoming Western ideas and applying them to modernize Russia, Moscow has never allowed itself to be consumed by Western culture. At the same time Moscow has always advocated working with the West to achieve common objectives.
Lavrov stressed the constructive role Moscow has played in European affairs, especially during the Napoleonic Wars, as well as in First and Second World Wars. The influence of the Soviet Union in shaping modern Western values should also not be underestimated, the minister argues, highlighting the USSR’s role in decolonization and shaping the European socio-economic system.
“The Soviet Union, for all its evils, never aimed to destroy entire nations,” Lavrov said. “Winston Churchill, who all his life was a principled opponent of the Soviet Union and played a major role in going from the World War II alliance to a new confrontation with the Soviet Union, said that graciousness, i.e. life in accordance with conscience, is the Russian way of doing things,” he added.
The post-Soviet world, Lavrov argues, offered the unique opportunity for European states to unite with Moscow and work towards a wider and more solid security mechanism in Europe – a mechanism that would enable long-lasting peace on the wider continent.
“Logically, we should have created a new foundation for European security by strengthening the military and political components of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE),” the minister wrote.
Instead of uniting, some European countries chose to ally themselves with NATO and Washington, and once again embarked on the centuries-old matrix of trying to isolate Russia and expand the military alliance’s borders further east, while pursuing a global agenda of regime change and ‘color’ revolutions.
“It is notable that George Kennan, the architect of the US policy of containment of the Soviet Union, said that the ratification of NATO expansion was ‘a tragic mistake,’” Lavrov said.
Rather than serving as architects of peace, NATO and its member states, Lavrov said, continued to engage in destructive policies that threaten international stability and have already led to the collapse of states, starting from the bombings of Yugoslavia, to the invasions of Iraq and Libya.
Arguing that the liberal system of globalization has failed, the minister stressed that the world is standing at crossroads, where a new system of international relations is taking shape. At such an important historical junction, Lavrov says it is wrong to accuse Russia of “revisionism” just because Moscow refuses to bow or close its eyes to NATO’s policies.
“A reliable solution to the problems of the modern world can only be achieved through serious and honest cooperation between the leading states and their associations in order to address common challenges,” Lavrov wrote.
The most pressing issue in the modern world is the threat of terrorism, which can only be defeated by a united front, he added.
The foreign minister stressed that Russia is not seeking any “confrontation” with the US or the EU. On the contrary, Moscow is and has always been open to “the widest possible cooperation with its Western partners.”
Russia continues to support the notion that the best way to ensure the interests of Europeans would be “to form a common economic and humanitarian space from the Atlantic to the Pacific, so that the newly formed Eurasian Economic Union could be an integrating link between Europe and Asia Pacific.”
biography Sergey Lavrov
“This is a real bombshell in the field of neuroscience,” says Terry Sejnowski, Salk professor and co-senior author of the paper, which was published in eLife. “We discovered the key to unlocking the design principle for how hippocampal neurons function with low energy but high computation power. Our new measurements of the brain’s memory capacity increase conservative estimates by a factor of 10 to at least a petabyte, in the same ballpark as the World Wide Web.”
Our memories and thoughts are the result of patterns of electrical and chemical activity in the brain. A key part of the activity happens when branches of neurons, much like electrical wire, interact at certain junctions, known as synapses. An output ‘wire’ (an axon) from one neuron connects to an input ‘wire’ (a dendrite) of a second neuron. Signals travel across the synapse as chemicals called neurotransmitters to tell the receiving neuron whether to convey an electrical signal to other neurons. Each neuron can have thousands of these synapses with thousands of other neurons.
“When we first reconstructed every dendrite, axon, glial process, and synapse from a volume of hippocampus the size of a single red blood cell, we were somewhat bewildered by the complexity and diversity amongst the synapses,” says Kristen Harris, co-senior author of the work and professor of neuroscience at the University of Texas, Austin. “While I had hoped to learn fundamental principles about how the brain is organized from these detailed reconstructions, I have been truly amazed at the precision obtained in the analyses of this report.”
Synapses are still a mystery, though their dysfunction can cause a range of neurological diseases. Larger synapses—with more surface area and vesicles of neurotransmitters—are stronger, making them more likely to activate their surrounding neurons than medium or small synapses.
The Salk team, while building a 3D reconstruction of rat hippocampus tissue (the memory center of the brain), noticed something unusual. In some cases, a single axon from one neuron formed two synapses reaching out to a single dendrite of a second neuron, signifying that the first neuron seemed to be sending a duplicate message to the receiving neuron.
At first, the researchers didn’t think much of this duplicity, which occurs about 10 percent of the time in the hippocampus. But Tom Bartol, a Salk staff scientist, had an idea: if they could measure the difference between two very similar synapses such as these, they might glean insight into synaptic sizes, which so far had only been classified in the field as small, medium and large.
To do this, researchers used advanced microscopy and computational algorithms they had developed to image rat brains and reconstruct the connectivity, shapes, volumes and surface area of the brain tissue down to a nanomolecular level.
The scientists expected the synapses would be roughly similar in size, but were surprised to discover the synapses were nearly identical.
“We were amazed to find that the difference in the sizes of the pairs of synapses were very small, on average, only about eight percent different in size. No one thought it would be such a small difference. This was a curveball from nature,” says Bartol.
Because the memory capacity of neurons is dependent upon synapse size, this eight percent difference turned out to be a key number the team could then plug into their algorithmic models of the brain to measure how much information could potentially be stored in synaptic connections.
It was known before that the range in sizes between the smallest and largest synapses was a factor of 60 and that most are small.
But armed with the knowledge that synapses of all sizes could vary in increments as little as eight percent between sizes within a factor of 60, the team determined there could be about 26 categories of sizes of synapses, rather than just a few.
“Our data suggests there are 10 times more discrete sizes of synapses than previously thought,” says Bartol. In computer terms, 26 sizes of synapses correspond to about 4.7 “bits” of information. Previously, it was thought that the brain was capable of just one to two bits for short and long memory storage in the hippocampus.
“This is roughly an order of magnitude of precision more than anyone has ever imagined,” says Sejnowski.
What makes this precision puzzling is that hippocampal synapses are notoriously unreliable. When a signal travels from one neuron to another, it typically activates that second neuron only 10 to 20 percent of the time.
“We had often wondered how the remarkable precision of the brain can come out of such unreliable synapses,” says Bartol. One answer, it seems, is in the constant adjustment of synapses, averaging out their success and failure rates over time. The team used their new data and a statistical model to find out how many signals it would take a pair of synapses to get to that eight percent difference.
The researchers calculated that for the smallest synapses, about 1,500 events cause a change in their size/ability (20 minutes) and for the largest synapses, only a couple hundred signaling events (1 to 2 minutes) cause a change.
“This means that every 2 or 20 minutes, your synapses are going up or down to the next size. The synapses are adjusting themselves according to the signals they receive,” says Bartol.
link to Salk Institute
half a brain ...
Abstract: The share of income held by the top 1 percent in many countries around the world has been rising persistently over the last 30 years. But we continue to know little about how the rising top income shares affect human well-being. This study combines the latest data to examine the relationship between top income share and different dimensions of subjective well-being.
We find top income shares to be significantly correlated with lower life evaluation and higher levels of negative emotional well-being, but not positive emotional well-being. The results are robust to household income, individual’s socio-economic status, and macroeconomic environment controls.
link naar de Gallup-studie
It's easy if you try
No hell below us
Above us only sky
Imagine all the people
Living for today
Imagine there's no countries,
It isn't hard to do
Nothing to kill or die for
And no religion too
Imagine all the people
Living life in peace
You may say I'm a dreamer
But I'm not the only one
I hope some day you'll join us
And the world will be as one
Imagine no possessions
I wonder if you can
No need for greed or hunger
A brotherhood of man
Imagine all the people
Sharing all the world
You may say I'm a dreamer
But I'm not the only one
I hope some day you'll join us
And the world will live as one
Statement by Prof. Dr. Winterkorn
"“I am shocked by the events of the past few days. Above all, I am stunned that misconduct on such a scale was possible in the Volkswagen Group.
As CEO I accept responsibility for the irregularities that have been found in diesel engines and have therefore requested the Supervisory Board to agree on terminating my function as CEO of the Volkswagen Group. I am doing this in the interests of the company even though I am not aware of any wrong doing on my part.
Volkswagen needs a fresh start – also in terms of personnel. I am clearing the way for this fresh start with my resignation.
I have always been driven by my desire to serve this company, especially our customers and employees. Volkswagen has been, is and will always be my life.
The process of clarification and transparency must continue. This is the only way to win back trust. I am convinced that the Volkswagen Group and its team will overcome this grave crisis."
Statement from the Executive Committee of Volkswagen AG’s Supervisory Board
In a meeting on Wednesday, September 23, the Executive Committee of the Supervisory Board of Volkswagen AG discussed in detail the manipulation of emissions data of Volkswagen Group diesel engines and came to the following conclusions:
1. The Executive Committee takes this matter extremely seriously. The Executive Committee recognizes not only the economic damage caused, but also the loss of trust among many customers worldwide.
2. The Executive Committee agrees that these incidents need to be clarified with great conviction and that mistakes are corrected. At the same time, the Executive Committee is adamant that it will take the necessary decisive steps to ensure a credible new beginning.
3. The Executive Committee has great respect for Chairman Professor Dr. Winterkorn’s offer to resign his position and to ask that his employment agreement be terminated. The Executive Committee notes that Professor Dr. Winterkorn had no knowledge of the manipulation of emissions data. The Executive Committee has tremendous respect for his willingness to nevertheless assume responsibility and, in so doing, to send a strong signal both internally and externally. Dr. Winterkorn has made invaluable contributions to Volkswagen. The company’s rise to global company is inextricably linked to his name. The Executive Committee thanks Dr. Winterkorn for towering contributions in the past decades and for his willingness to take responsibility in this criticall phase for the company. This attitude is illustrious.
4. Recommendations for new personnel will be presented at the upcoming meeting of the Supervisory Board this Friday.
5. The Executive Committee is expecting further personnel consequences in the next days. The internal Group investigations are continuing at a high tempo. All participants in these proceedings that has resulted in unmeasurable harm for Volkswagen, will be subject to the full consequences.
6. The Executive Committee have decided that the company will voluntarily submit a complaint to the State Prosecutors’ office in Brunswick. In the view of the Executive Committee criminal proceedings may be relevant due to the irregularities. The investigations of the State Prosecutor will be supported in all form from the side of Volkswagen.
7. The Executive Committee proposes that the Supervisory Board of Volkswagen AG create a special committee, under whose leadership further clarifying steps will follow, including the preparation of the necessary consequences. In this regard, the Special Committee would make use of external advice. Further details about this will be decided at the Supervisory Board meeting on Friday.
8. The Executive Committee is aware that coming to terms with the crisis of trust will be a long term task that requires a high degree of consistency and thoroughness.
9. The Executive Committee will work on these tasks together with the employees and the Management Board. Volkswagen is a magnificent company that depends on the efforts of hundreds of thousands of people. We consider it our task that this company regains the trust of our customers in every respect.
Commentaar: gezien de extreme wereldwijde verwevenheid in de automobielindustrie (onderlinge levering van componenten - zie ons boeknummer 20000215) is het niet ondenkbaar dat het bedrog planetaire afmetingen heeft aangenomen en dat ook Franse, Italiaanse, Japanese en Amerikaanse groepen betrokken zijn geraakt bij wat nu 'dieselgate' wordt genoemd.
Henry Barthes: How are you to imagine anything if the images are always provided for you?
Henry Barthes: Doublethink. To deliberately believe in lies, while knowing they're false.
Henry Barthes: Examples of this in everyday life: "Oh, I need to be pretty to be happy. I need surgery to be pretty. I need to be thin, famous, fashionable." Our young men today are being told that women are whores, bitches, things to be screwed, beaten, shit on, and shamed. This is a marketing holocaust. Twenty-fours hours a day for the rest of our lives, the powers that be are hard at work dumbing us to death.
Henry Barthes: So to defend ourselves, and fight against assimilating this dullness into our thought processes, we must learn to read. To stimulate our own imagination, to cultivate our own consciousness, our own belief systems. We all need skills to defend, to preserve, our own minds.
Henry Barthes: 'Some of us believe we can make a difference. And then sometimes we wake up and realise we failed. (...)
Henry Barthes: We have such a responsability to guide our young so that they don't end up falling apart, falling by the wayside, becoming insignificant. (...)'
Ambulant Antikwariaat Othello
Book number: 000298
The North Sea has already produced 42 billion barrels of oil and gas, but could have as much as 24 billion barrels left, according to FT columnist Nick Butler (“Don’t abandon the North Sea” Feb 22).
For North Sea operators and their supporters, the remaining reserves provide a compelling economic reason to keep producing to avoid leaving value locked in the ground.
The reserves represent tens of billions of dollars in profits, wages and tax revenues that would be lost if the North Sea fields are abandoned prematurely.
North Sea reserves have a strong political dimension because most operators and service companies are based in Scotland, where separatist sentiment remains strong despite the rejection of independence in last year’s referendum.
The economic reality is more complicated. The notional value of the oil and gas that would remain locked in the ground is not a convincing reason why it should be developed. In a market-based economy, resources are developed only if they can be extracted profitably.
And there are many instances where resources have been left in the ground or abandoned because it was no longer possible to exploit them profitably.
The distinction between exhaustion and profitability was central to the year-long dispute between the National Union Mineworkers (NUM) and the Conservative government led by Margaret Thatcher, the defining moment in Britain’s modern economic history.
In the early 1980s, Britain’s state-owned coal company wanted to close mines that were no longer profitable while the NUM resolved “to re-affirm the union’s opposition to all pit closures other than on grounds of exhaustion.”
The NUM demanded that pits remain open as a source of employment and national energy security as long as there was valuable coal underground (“Crisis management in the power industry” 1995).
Ironically, coal’s nemesis came from the giant gas fields found in the North Sea between the 1950s and 1970s, which threatened coal’s dominance in power generation (“Energy, the State and the Market” 2003).
Once the government’s support for coal was removed after the strike was broken, construction of coal-fired power plants ended and power producers raced to build cheaper gas-fired facilities to capitalize on the cheaper fuel.
By the end of the 1990s, nearly all of Britain’s pits had closed, although there were still billions of tonnes of coal left underground. Twenty years later, Britain’s gas supplies are dwindling, and the country increasingly relies on imported gas from overseas, raising concerns about “energy security”.
If energy security had been the clinching argument, the government would have intervened to keep more pits open. Instead, Britain chose a market-based approach. There is no reason why North Sea oil and gas producers should be treated any differently.
Britain’s oil and gas producers are among the victims of the North American shale revolution and the price war between OPEC and the U.S. shale industry.
Like Canada’s oil sands industry, which is also suffering, the North Sea is a relatively expensive source of oil and gas. In recent years, its prospects have depended on oil and gas remaining scarce and prices remaining high.
The North Sea must compete for investment with other oil and gas plays around the world. Before the shale revolution North Sea oil and gas appeared marginally profitable. But with oil prices now around $60 per barrel and widely expected to remain well below $100 for the next few years, the North Sea is no longer an attractive investment proposition.
UK operators tend to blame their problems on the tax regime, which they claim is more punitive and complicated than in other parts of the world. While there is some truth in this argument, the tax regime’s complexity is the legacy of government efforts to clamp down on previous tax avoidance.
In any event, the UK North Sea’s problems run much deeper than tax. Offshore platforms in a notoriously stormy area are a more expensive way to produce oil and gas than onshore shale plays in the United States.
The giant oil and gas fields discovered in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s could spread the fixed costs of platforms, pipelines and other infrastructure over a large volume of production. Recent field discoveries have been much smaller and have no such economies of scale.
Recent discoveries can only be profitable if they can utilize the existing infrastructure. The problem is that the infrastructure isn’t free and it isn’t public property: it belongs to existing operators, most of them major oil and gas companies, who have a legal obligation to decommission it.
If the infrastructure’s life is to be extended and decommissioning is to be deferred, money will have to be found for routine maintenance as well as capital upgrades.
There is a standoff between the would-be operators of small-scale new fields (who want the infrastructure to be preserved but don’t want to pay high fees) and the bigger legacy operators (who want to get on with decommissioning or charge significant fees to maintain the infrastructure for longer).
The dispute is often caricatured as a disagreement between entrepreneurial operators and stubborn greedy majors. In truth, it is a dispute about the costs of prolonging the life of the infrastructure and who should pay for them.
In a world where oil and gas were thought to be running out and prices were expected to keep on rising, it might have made sense to extend the useful life of the North Sea infrastructure. In a world of $60 oil, the economics are much more challenging.
Over the last 50 years, Britain has developed world-class expertise in offshore oil and gas engineering, which supports thousands of highly skilled jobs, and it would be a shame to lose it. But the industry’s future increasingly lies in selling that expertise abroad, rather than developing the North Sea itself.
Source - www.reuters.com
Nulty rose to become the Most Reverend Bishop of Meath and was known as a fierce defender of the tenant rights of Irish tenant farmers throughout the 34 years that he served in that office from 1864 to 1898. Thomas Nulty is famed for his 1881 tract Back to the Land, wherein he makes the case for land reform of the Irish land tenure system. Nulty was a friend and supporter of the Irish nationalist Charles Stewart Parnell until Parnell's divorce crisis in 1889.
Dr. Thomas Nulty, who had attended the First Vatican Council in 1870, said his last mass on December 21, 1898.
To the Clergy and Laity of the Diocese of Meath:
Dearly Beloved Brethren,-
I venture to take the liberty of dedicating the following Essay to you, as a mark of my respect and affection. In this Essay I do not, of course, address myself to you as your Bishop, for I have no divine commission to enlighten you on your civil rights, or to instruct you in the principles of Land Tenure or Political Economy. I feel, however, a deep concern even in your temporal interests — deeper, indeed, than in my own; for what temporal interests can I have save those I must always feel in your welfare? It is, then, because the Land Question is one not merely of vital importance, but one of life and death to you, as well as to the majority of my countrymen, that I have ventured to write on it at all.
With a due sense of my responsibility, I have examined this great question with all the care and consideration I had time to bestow on it. A subject so abstruse and so difficult could not, by any possibility, be made attractive and interesting. My only great regret, then, is that my numerous duties in nearly every part of the Diocese for the last month have not left me sufficient time to put my views before you with the perspicuity, the order and the persuasiveness that I should desire. However, even in the crude, unfinished form in which this Essay is now submitted to you, I hope it will prove of some use in assisting you to form a correct estimate of the real value and merit of Mr. Gladstone’s coming Bill.
For my own part, I confess I am not very sanguine in my expectations of this Bill — at any rate, when it shall have passed the Lords. The hereditary legislators will, I fear, never surrender the monopoly in the land which they have usurped for centuries past; at least till it has become quite plain to them that they have lost the power of holding it any longer. It is, however, now quite manifest to all the world — except, perhaps, to themselves — that they hold that power no longer.
We, however, can afford calmly to wait. While we are, therefore, prepared to receive with gratitude any settlement of the question which will substantially secure to us our just rights, we will never be satisfied with less. Nothing short of a full and comprehensive measure of justice will ever satisfy the tenant farmers of Ireland, or put an end to the Land League agitation.
The people of Ireland are now keenly alive to the important fact that if they are loyal and true to themselves, and that they set their faces against every form of violence and crime, they have the power to compel the landlords to surrender all their just rights in their entirety.
If the tenant farmers refuse to pay more than a just rent for their farms, and no one takes a farm from which a tenant has been evicted for the non-payment of an unjust or exorbitant rent, then our cause is practically gained. The landlords may, no doubt, wreak their vengeance on a few, whom they may regard as the leaders of the movement; but the patriotism and generosity of their countrymen will compensate these abundantly for their losses, and superabundantly reward them for the essential and important services they have rendered to their country at the critical period of its history.
You know but too well, and perhaps to your cost, that there are bad landlords in Meath, and worse still in Westmeath, and perhaps also in the other Counties of this Diocese. We are, unfortunately, too familiar with all forms of extermination, from the eviction of a Parish Priest, who was willing to pay his rent, to the wholesale clearance of the honest, industrious people of an entire district. But we have, thank God, a few good landlords, too. Some of these, like the Earl of Fingal, belong to our own faith; some, like the late Lord Athlumny, are Protestants; and some among the very best are Tories of the highest type of conservatism.
You have always cherished feelings of the deepest gratitude and affection for every landlord, irrespective of his politics or his creed, who treated you with justice, consideration and kindness. I have always heartily commended you for these feelings.
For my own part, I can assure you, I entertain no unfriendly feelings for any landlord living, and in this Essay I write of them not as individuals, but as a class, and further, I freely admit that there are individual landlords who are highly honourable exceptions to the class to which they belong. But that I heartily dislike the existing system of Land Tenure, and the frightful extent to which it has been abused, by the vast majority of landlords, will be evident to anyone who reads this Essay through.
I remain, Dearly Beloved Brethren, respectfully yours,
BACK TO THE LAND
Our Land System Not justified by its General Acceptance.
Anyone who ventures to question the justice or the policy of maintaining the present system of Irish Land Tenure will be met at once by a pretty general feeling which will warn him emphatically that its venerable antiquity entitles it, if not to reverence and respect, at least to tenderness and forbearance.
I freely admit that feeling to be most natural and perhaps very general also; but I altogether deny its reasonableness. It proves too much. Any existing social institution is undoubtedly entitled to justice and fair play; but no institution, no matter what may have been its standing or its popularity, is entitled to exceptional tenderness and forbearance if it can be shown that it is intrinsically unjust and cruel. Worse institutions by far than any system of Land Tenure can and have had a long and prosperous career, till their true character became generally known and then they were suffered to exist no longer.
Human Slavery Once Generally Accepted.
Slavery is found to have existed, as a social institution, in almost all nations, civilised as well as barbarous, and in every age of the world, up almost to our own times. We hardly ever find it in the state of a merely passing phenomenon, or as a purely temporary result of conquest or of war, but always as a settled, established and recognised state of social existence, in which generation followed generation in unbroken succession, and in which thousands upon thousands of human beings lived and died. Hardly anyone had the public spirit to question its character or to denounce its excesses; it had no struggle to make for its existence, and the degradation in which it held its unhappy victims was universally regarded as nothing worse than a mere sentimental grievance.
On the other hand, the justice of the right of property which a master claimed in his slaves was universally accepted in the light of a first principle of morality. His slaves were either born on his estate, and he had to submit to the labour and the cost of rearing and maintaining them to manhood, or he acquired them by inheritance or by free gift, or, failing these, he acquired them by the right of purchase — having paid in exchange for them what, according to the usages of society and the common estimation of his countrymen, was regarded as their full pecuniary value. Property, therefore, in slaves was regarded as sacred, and as inviolable as any other species of property.
Even Christians Recognised Slavery.
So deeply rooted and so universally received was this conviction that the Christian religion itself, though it recognised no distinction between Jew and Gentile, between slave or freeman, cautiously abstained from denouncing slavery itself as an injustice or a wrong. It prudently tolerated this crying evil, because in the state of public feeling then existing, and at the low standard of enlightenment and intelligence then prevailing, it was simply impossible to remedy it.
Thus then had slavery come down almost to our own time as an established social institution, carrying with it the practical sanction and approval of ages and nations, and surrounded with a prestige of standing and general acceptance well calculated to recommend it to men’s feelings and sympathies. And yet it was the embodiment of the most odious and cruel injustice that ever afflicted humanity. To claim a right of property in man was to lower a rational creature to the level of the beast of the field; it was a revolting and an unnatural degradation of the nobility of human nature itself. (etc, see link)
Back to the land
Posted December 12, 2014 11:49 AM by Webmaster
Cohen Media GroupCohen Media Group has detailed the Cohen Film Collection Blu-ray release of director Liliana Cavani's The Skin (La Pelle), which stars Marcello Mastroianni, Burt Lancaster and Claudia Cardinale. Digitally remastered, the Palme d'Or nominee arrives on Blu-ray on January 13, 2015.
Liliana Cavani (Ripley's Game) gained international fame with her daring 1974 breakthrough The Night Porter, a controversial drama about a concentration camp survivor's sadomasochistic relationship with a former Nazi SS officer. Sex-as-commodity also figures in Cavani's 1981 film The Skin. Based on the short stories of Curzio Malaparte, the film is Cavani's controversial look at the aftermath of German occupation of Italy during World War II. After the Allies liberate Naples in 1943, life for the locals is not much easier, especially for women; many must sacrifice their dignity and morals in order to survive.
An international cast of superstars brings Malaparte's stories to life. Marcello Mastroianni plays Malaparte, a diplomatic liaison between the Allied and Italian forces, who chronicled the desperate measures taken by his Italian countrymen to endure even after the defeat of their enemy. Burt Lancaster plays liberating American Gen. Mark Clark, who struggles to fathom the devastation around him. Also starring is Claudia Cardinale, famed for her performances in masterpieces by Federico Fellini, Luchino Visconti and Sergio Leone.
This unforgettable and disturbing film, an epic Italian-French co-production, was nominated for the top prize, the Palme d'Or, at the Cannes Film Festival; Cardinale was named best supporting actress by the Italian National Syndicate of Film Journalists.
The Skin has been restored and remastered for its U.S. Blu-ray debut, and is presented in 1080p with Italian DTS-HD Master Audio 5.1 surround and English subtitles. Extras include:
Feature-length audio commentary by critics Wade Major and Andy Klein
Four featurettes, including three with director Liliana Cavani and one with production designer Dante Ferretti:
At the Frontier of the Apocalypse
Malaparte, Great Reporter
The Individual and History
Dante Ferretti Revisits Naples
Original French trailer
2014 re-release trailer
Find out more here
The econometric analysis of LI has identified 89 variables, which are spread across eight sub-indices:
3) Entrepreneurship & Opportunity;
6) Personal freedom;
7) Safety & Security;
8) Sociale Capital & Social Values.
Each of the 8 variables are subdivided in two: 1) having an effect on income 2) having an impact on wellbeing.
The sociological data were mainly retrieved from the Gallup World Poll.
Methodology for income and wellbeing scores. For each country, the latest data available in 2013 were gathered for the 89 variables. The raw values are standardised and multiplied by the weights. The weighted variable values are then summed to produce a country’s wellbeing and income score in each sub-index. The income and wellbeing scores are then standardised so that they can be compared.
Critical note LT: a) What we miss in the Prosperity Index is some kind of measurement of inequality and the measured effect of taxes on income redistribution (e.g. Gini before and after taxation). b) The GDP/capita is not critisized by Legatum Institute for being a variable not taking into account inequality.
Het spreekt vanzelf dat als het minimumloon niet hoger ligt dan de noodzakelijk te maken kosten voor levensonderhoud, de kans reëel is dat een groot deel van de bevolking in armoede leeft of erin terecht komt. Er groeit dan ook een parallelle economie, de georganiseerde misdaad krijgt vrij spel en de emigratie - gepaard gaande met mensenhandel - wordt het enige vooruitzicht op overleven. De cijfers gelden voor het nationale niveau terwijl bepaalde regio's zwaar getroffen worden door desindustrialistie. Dat zit niet verdisconteerd in de cijfers. Anderzijds ontbreken een aantal Europese kernlanden zoals Frankrijk en Duitsland in de analyse. Heel de situatie lijkt sterk op de toestanden die ontstaan waren op het einde van de 19de eeuw: de markt van de landbouwproducten werd toen overstroomd door goedkope import en dat maakte leven van het land onmogelijk. Mijn eigen overgrootouders die boerden in de Kempen, hebben dat meegemaakt.
from The Studio, 1903, vol 29, 123: 37
Study of Florrie Bird for a water nymph in 'Prospero Summoning Nymphs and Deities'
Black and white chalk on grey; 46 x 61 cm; private collection
Monography: TOLL Simon (2003), Herbert James Draper: A Life Study, 208 pp., Antique Collectors Club Dist. Simon Toll graduated from Warwick University in 1997 with an honours degree in Art History and now works for Sotheby's. He has been researching Herbert Draper for eight years and in 1999 worked with Julian Hartnoll on the first exhibition devoted to Draper since 1913.
LIBÉ DES GÉOGRAPHES Profitant de populations et de territoires affaiblis, les nouveaux jihadistes s’appuient sur des finances colossales pour asseoir leur califat en Irak et en Syrie. Et l’étendre vers le sud.
Avec l’Etat islamique (EI), le jihadisme a changé de stratégie. Il ne s’agit plus de constituer un réseau à l’échelle internationale mais de s’appuyer sur un territoire. La mort de Ben Laden et la dislocation du réseau Al-Qaeda ont favorisé cette nouvelle stratégie, d’autant que le calife autoproclamé Al-Baghdadi a rompu avec le successeur de Ben Laden, Ayman al-Zawahiri.
Lorsqu’il s’installe en Syrie, l’EI dispose déjà de solides bases arrières en Irak, dans les provinces sunnites de Mossoul et d’Al-Anbar, d’où proviennent les combattants et les ressources financières.
Sir Ebenezer Howard (1850-1928) travelled to the USA and was inspired by the rebuilding of Chicago, as well as his interest in social welfare, to found the Garden City Association in 1899. Howard believed that the solution to overcrowding and poor conditions in modern industrial towns was to produce new planned communities which created a 'joyous union' of town and country. The goal of the garden city was to combine the attractions of town life with access to nature and a healthier lifestyle. The first of these communities, Letchworth Garden City, was established in the early 1900s, followed by Welwyn Garden City in the 1920s. This volume, first published in 1898, sets out Howard's utopian vision in full; explaining how a garden city would be financed, planned and administered. Energetic and conversational in style, this book is a charming introduction to Howard's ground-breaking and influential ideas.
When the Americans first came to settle in California, they were hungry for land. Driven by a desire for property, they dominated the complacent Mexican natives, successfully stripping them of their claim to this fertile farmland. Soon, these Californians were no longer squatters, but owners. Farming became an industry, not a passion, and success was measured in dollars only. Farms became larger and owners fewer.
As the dispossessed come to California, they bring with them a wild, desperate hunger for land. History had told them that when all land is held by a few, it is taken away. And when great masses are going hungry, while a few are well fed, there will be a revolt. In an effort to diffuse the strength of the migrant workers, the owners make laws, and law officials enforce them. Any man farming on a small strip of land is charged with trespassing, and squatter's camps — "Hoovervilles" — are closed and burned for being a threat to public health. Meanwhile, children in the Hoovervilles are dying from hunger while their parents pray for food. When the parents stop praying and start acting, the end for the owners will be near.
Together with Chapters 21 and 23, this chapter presents historical background on the development of land ownership in California, tracing the American settlement of the land taken from the Mexicans. Fundamentally, the chapter explores the conflict between farming solely as a means of profit making and farming as a way of life. Steinbeck criticizes the industrialization of farming in which a love of the land is replaced by a capitalist mentality. With the advent of this industrialization came a shift toward commercial farming. With the focus only on the moneymaking aspects of growth, the corporate farmers increasingly exploit immigrant and migratory workers who are willing to work for a low wage. Like the machines that pushed the sharecroppers off their land, these great landowners had "become through their holdings both more and less than men." A key image of agrarian sympathy is found in the patch of jimson weed. Here Steinbeck effectively illustrates the crimes committed by the frightened owners with a picture of a hungry migrant stealthily clearing a jimson weed patch so that he might grow a few vegetables to feed his family, only to have it gleefully destroyed by a local sheriff.
A distinct contrast is also made here between existing immigrant workers (the Chinese, Mexican, and Filipinos) and the recently arrived "Okies" who feel strongly that they are Americans. Perceiving themselves as coming from a similar background as the rest of the inhabitants of the Golden State, the "Okies" insist on similar rights. This knowledge that they deserve the same decencies as any other American citizens gives strength and credence to their demands and makes them appear more dangerous to the California natives.
De bespreking van de archieven en de toegangkelijkheid daarvan (in fine) is revelerend.
I've seen that look somewhere before
Your sorrow's like an open door
You've been this way for much too long
Somebody must have done you wrong
But one day the sun will shine on you
Turn all your tears to laughter
One day your dreams may all come true
One day the sun will shine on you
I've seen that look so many times
I know the sadness in your eyes
Your life is like a wishing well
Where it goes, only time will tell
One day the sun will shine on you
Turn all your tears to laughter
One day your dreams may all come true
One day the sun will shine on
Say goodbye to the lonely nights
Say goodbye to the Northern Lights
Say goodbye to the cold north winds
Say goodbye to the autumn leaves
One day the sun will shine on you
Turn all your tears to laughter
One day your dreams may all come true
One day the sun will shine on you
One day the sun will shine on you
One day the sun will shine on you
In this luminous portrait of Paris, celebrated historian Alistair Horne gives us the history, culture, disasters, and triumphs of one of the world’s truly great cities. Horne makes plain that while Paris may be many things, it is never boring.
From the rise of Philippe Auguste through the reigns of Henry IV and Louis XIV (who abandoned Paris for Versailles); Napoleon’s rise and fall; Baron Haussmann’s rebuilding of Paris (at the cost of much of the medieval city); the Belle Epoque and the Great War that brought it to an end; the Nazi Occupation, the Liberation, and the postwar period dominated by de Gaulle--Horne brings the city’s highs and lows, savagery and sophistication, and heroes and villains splendidly to life. With a keen eye for the telling anecdote and pivotal moment, he portrays an array of vivid incidents to show us how Paris endures through each age, is altered but always emerges more brilliant and beautiful than ever. The Seven Ages of Paris is a great historian’s tribute to a city he loves and has spent a lifetime learning to know.
Vanaf 30 september 1999 verdwijnt het AVV-VVK-symbool van de front(sic!)pagina.
In 2005 lanceert VUM een pulpdagblad onder de titel 'Espresso'. Het blad wordt weldra van de markt gehaald.
Het Volk is steeds het dagblad in de handen van de Christelijke Arbeidersbeweging geweest en werd gesticht in 1891. In 1928 neemt Het Volk het Brusselse 'De Tijd' over. Na WO II wordt Het Volk geherkapitaliseerd door Adolf Peeters, een Mechels handelaar die zich in 1950 terugtrekt; zijn inbreng wordt vervangen door een lening bij de BAC. Op 9.8.1950 wordt de rotatie geteisterd door brand maar kan blijven verschijnen door hulp van 'De Gentenaar'. Vanaf midden september 1950 wordt 'De Nieuwe Gids' (met het kopblad 'De Antwerpse Gids') gedrukt op de persen van Het Volk. In juni 1951 lanceert Het Volk in Kongo het weekblad "De Week", gedrukt op de persen van "Le Courrier d'Afrique"; De Week is het eerste en enige Vlaamse weekblad in Kongo. Op 1.3.1952 lanceert Het Volk het weekblad 'Zondagsblad'. Op 29.4.1962 lanceert Het Volk 'Spectator'. Op 15.11.1983 brengt de uitgeverij het populair-wetenschappelijk maandblad 'EOS' op de markt. Op 2.3.1985 wordt bij Het Volk een nieuwe coldset rotatie (Colorman) in gebruik genomen en wordt het tabloid-formaat verlaten voor het Belgisch formaat. In augustus 1985 verlaat dhr Van Tongerloo, directeur-generaal, het bedrijf om als directeur-generaal in dienst te treden bij De Vlijt. Hoe raar het ook mag klinken: de overstap van Van Tongerloo was bedisseld door Jan Merckx en werd aan de goedkeuring van o.a. Het Laatste Nieuws voorgelegd tijdens een diner in restaurant 'L'Oasis' te Brussel. In 1986 treedt dhr Antoon Van Melkebeek in dienst als directeur-generaal. Als op 28.10.1987 VTM wordt opgericht participeert NV Drukkerij Het Volk voor 11,11 % in het kapitaal. In februari 1989 komt de uitgeverij met 'TV-Gids' op de markt, een rechtstreekse concurrent voor 'TeVe-Blad' van Perexma. In 1990 voert Het Volk het Electronisch Redactioneel Systeem (ERS) in. In juni 1991 verlaat dhr Antoon Van Melkebeek de uitgeverij. Hij wordt tijdelijk vervangen door een driemanschap bestaande uit de verantwoordelijke van de technische directie (dhr De Geeter), van de redactie (dhr E. Van Den Bergh) en van de administratie (dhr Vandenbussche). Per 16.1.1992 komt dhr Elmar Korntheuer (°1942), voorheen management consultant, in dienst als directeur-generaal en werkt samen met de Direktieraad een strategisch plan uit voor 1992-1996. Dit plan wordt op 25.9.1992 unaniem goedgekeurd door de veelkoppige Raad van Bestuur. Het doel is de oplagedaling om te buigen en de bedrijfsexploitatie opnieuw rendabel te maken; men zal zich concentreren op uitgeven (Het Volk, De Nieuwe Gids, Zondagsblad, TV-Gids, EOS, Jommeke-strips) en drukken in rotatie-offset terwijl andere aktiviteiten die niet tot de core-business behoren zullen worden afgebouwd (8 boekhandels, boekendistributie/grossierderij en de distributie van tijdschriften voor derden). Op 1.7.1992 komt Mevr. M. Moonen (ex-VUM) in dienst als commercieel direkteur. Per 1.1.1993 neemt dhr Karel Anthierens, voordien hoofdredacteur van het weekblad 'Panorama/De Post', de hoofdredactie van Het Volk op zich. Vanaf 16.3.1993 worden de lay-out (Phill Nesbitt, USA) en de redactionele formule van Het Volk gewijzigd. Een en ander gaat gepaard met een dure promotiecampagne die zijn sporen nalaat in de exploitatierekening. In de opmaak is er een belangrijke evolutie : de pagina's komen full-page uit de computer. Voor de drukkerij worden ook in 1992/93 grote investeringen gedaan ter vervanging van de 32 p. heatset rotatiepers. In 1992 werden op het industrieterrein van Erpe-Mere gebouwen aangekocht en wordt er een nieuwe heatset rotatie geïnstalleerd die in november 1993 operationeel werd. Bijkomende investeringen : encartagesysteem voor publicitaire folders, aanpassing van de verzendingszaal en informatisering. Totaal investeringsbedrag 1992-1994 : 850 miljoen BEF geprogrammeerd, 900 miljoen BEF geïnvesteerd. Tegen eind 1993 moest een personeelsinkrimping van 600 naar 550 gerealiseerd zijn (115 afvloeiïngen, waarvan 2/3 door brugpensioen en 65 aanwervingen voor voornamelijk nieuwe funkties). Tijdens het tweede trimester van 1993 neemt Het Volk deel aan de herschikking van de VTM-aandelen in het kader van de oprichting van de Vlaamse Media Holding (VMH). Dit komt per saldo neer op een desinvestering in VTM (van 11,11 % naar onrechtstreeks 7,8 %) hetgeen de financiële struktuur van de uitgeverij ten goede komt (al is die nooit slecht geweest en bleef de solvabiliteit altijd op een meer dan behoorlijk peil) en haar zware investeringen helpt te financieren.
uittreksel uit 'De Vlaamse Media. Een sector in de stroomversnelling' (1994)
Enkele aanvullingen betreffende de vergaderingen van de ministerraad (20180110)
De beknopte historiek illustreert dit ten overvloede :
De Roularta-groep ontstond bescheiden in januari 1954 uit het samengaan van 'De Roeselaarse Weekbode' (300 ex.) en 'Advertentie' (10.000 ex.), twee lokale weekbladen die werden overgeno¬men door Dr. Jur. Willy De Nolf (°Eine, 28.12.1917 +Leuven, 6.10.1981). Vandaag is de groep aktief in volgende sektoren : drukkerij, nieuwsmagazi¬nes in beide landstalen, weekbla¬den voor managers en bedrijfsleiders, magazines voor de industrie, sportbladen, seniorentijd¬schriften, jaarboeken, tijdschriften die zich richten tot jonge gezinnen met kinderen, betalende regionale weekbladen, gratis huis-aan-huis-bladen die een quasi volledige dekking van Vlaande¬ren ver¬zekeren, boekenuitge¬verij en boekenclub, evenementen-organisatie, media-research en media-advies, publiciteitsregie voor de eigen bladen en die van derden, regionale televisie.
In 1955 wordt gestart met twee nieuwe edities 'Izegem' (13.000 ex.) en 'Tielt' (14.000 ex.) naast de inmiddels omgedoopte editie 'Advertentie Roeselare' (25.000 ex.). In 1956 is de 'Roeselaarse Weekbode' uitgegroeid tot buiten de stadsgrenzen en wordt de naam gewijzigd in 'Weekbode'; een tweedehands-typo-rotatiepers wordt aangekocht. In 1957 wordt het concurre¬rend lokale weekblad 'De Mandelbode' overgenomen. In 1958 start de 4de editie van 'Adverten¬tie' : Ieper (21.000 ex.). De capaciteit van de drukkerij wordt opgevoerd door de aankoop van een tweede typo-rotatiepers. In 1960 wordt het weekblad 'De Oude Thorhoutenaar' overgeno¬men en omge¬vormd tot de 5de streekeditie. In 1963, na jaren van groei, wordt besloten een nieuwe drukkerij te bouwen aan de Meiboomlaan te Roeselare, ook vandaag nog het hoofdkwar¬tier van de groep.
In 1964 wordt 'Advertentie Groot-Antwerpen' (178.000 ex.) gelanceerd en daarmee treedt Roularta voor het eerst buiten haar geboortegrond West-Vlaanderen. Begin 1965 wordt met de uitgave van 'Advertentie Groot-Gent' (87.000 ex.) gestart. Tussen 1965 en 1971 worden nog volgende edities uitgebouwd van de groep huis-aan-huisbladen die toen de naam GROEP E3 - verwijzend naar deze belangrijke verkeersader, thans E17 - kregen opgeplakt : E3 Diksmuide (1966; 9.000 ex.), E3 Veurne (1967, 16.500 ex.), E3 Groot-Brugge (80.000 ex.), Waasland (75.000 ex.), Eeklo (29.000 ex.), Zuid-Vlaanderen (90.000 ex.), Vlaamse Ardennen (1968). In 1969 bereikt de wekelijkse oplage van deze bladen meer dan 1 miljoen exemplaren. In 1970-1971 worden de resterende streken afgedekt : Groot-Aalst, Dendermonde, Ninove, Geraardsber¬gen, Leuven, Mechelen, Oostende. Parallel worden regionale bureaus opgericht die instaan voor de publiciteitsacquisitie. Het spreekt vanzelf dat de bestaande regionale weekbladen uit de veroverde streken deze opgang met node aanzien. Een tweede bemerking is deze : via de uitgave van een zeer dicht netwerk van huis-aan-huis-bladen in geheel Vlaanderen ontwikkelt Roularta een diepgaande know-how van de publici¬teitsmarkt en van het economisch weefsel van het gewest.
Met de overname van 'Het Ypersch Nieuws' verovert 'De Weekbode' een belangrijk nieuw territorium. De drukkerij wordt dan ook uitgebreid met nog een nieuwe rotatiepers, ditmaal met kleurmogelijkheid. Het kapitaal wordt daartoe overigens opgetrokken tot 25 miljoen BEF.
In februari 1971 wordt 'Knack' gelanceerd. Vanaf 1972 neemt de zoon van dhr Willy De Nolf, dhr Rik De Nolf, de magazine-poot van Roularta onder zijn hoede. Ook diens zwager, dhr Leo Claeys, zoon van Louis Claeys uit Zedelgem, treedt aan in de groep en neemt de technische zaken van de drukkerij ter harte. 'Knack' vestigt zich te Brussel en, eveneens in de hoofdstad, wordt een bureau voor nationale reklameregie geopend. 'Knack' wordt de springplank naar de nationale uitbouw van Roularta. Tegelijkertijd (1972) wordt de drukkerij uitgebreid met offset-kleurenpersen (rotatie- en vellendruk) en wordt het kapitaal op 110 miljoen BEF gebracht.
Op 15.3.1975 wordt Trends, een financieel-economisch veertiendagelijks blad, op de markt gebracht. In 1976 verschijnt de franstalige tegenhanger 'Tendances'. Het betreft echter geen vertaling van 'Trends'. Beide bladen hebben onafhankelijke redacties en kunnen daardoor de verschillende gevoeligheden van de beide landsdelen ook beter bespelen. Daarmee zet Roularta de eerste stap over de taalgrens, wat toen zeker geen evidentie was. 1976 is ook het jaar van de lancering van 'Family' (h-a-h, vierkleuren, magazineformaat, 1,1 miljoen ex.). Ook de Weekbode-groep wordt aangevuld met een Tieltse editie : 'De Zondag'.
In 1977 wordt er weer gebouwd : een produktiehall van 5.000 m² en voorzieningen voor het personeel, ondertussen reeds 350 man te Roeselare. De drukkerij is volledig overgegaan van lood naar fotografisch zetwerk. In maart 1978 wordt een nieuwe Harris-kleurenrotatiepers voor o.a. de magazines in gebruik genomen. In 1979 wordt verder geïnvesteerd in fotografische zetap¬paratuur en wordt de administratie voorzien van een geïntegreerd computernetwerk. Ook in 1979 krijgen de oude 'Advertentie'-bladen een nieuwe 'look' en wordt de titel gewijzigd in 'De Streekkrant'. De oplage ligt dan op 2,1 miljoen exemplaren, gespreid over 44 edities en 10 lokale kantoren in Vlaanderen. De Weekbode-groep wordt uitgebreid met een 8ste editie via de overname van 'De Zeewacht' en in 1981 neemt dit weekblad het 'Nieuwsblad van de Kust' over. Inmiddels was op 20.3.1980 "Sport Magazine" gelanceerd. Twee nieuwe Harris-offset krantenpersen worden geïnstalleerd zodat alle edities van 'De Streekkrant' in eigen huis kunnen gedrukt worden. In het begin van de jaren 80 begint de groep aan de juridische opsplitsing van haar structuren. In 1981 wordt gestart met een wekelijkse extra-bijlage bij 'Knack', een city-magazine voor Antwerpen : 'Knack-Antwerpen'. In februari 1981 lanceert Roularta een franstalige tegenhanger van 'Sport Magazine'. In september 1981 lanceert Roularta 'De Sportkrant', een sportweekblad voor West-Vlaanderen. Op 6 oktober 1981 ontvalt de stichter van de Roularta groep, dhr Willy De Nolf, aan de familie en aan het bedrijf; hij wordt onder massale belangstel¬ling ten grave gedragen : plots wordt duidelijk welke invloed uitgaat van de groep. Zijn echtgenote, Marie-Thérèse De Clerck, neemt echter de rol van mater familias in de beste Westvlaamse industriële traditie over. Begin 1982 wordt 'De Nieuwe Boekenkrant' gelanceerd. In mei 1982 wordt het 'Belang van West-Vlaanderen' opgericht : het gaat hier om een samenwerkingsakkoord voor de werving van merkreklame tussen Roul¬arta en het 'Brugsch Handelsblad' (van de familie Herreboudt; niet alle leden van deze familie zijn even blij met deze samenwerking waarin zij enkel de voorbode zien van een dreigende overname). Later zal deze benaming gecontesteerd worden door 'Het Belang van Limburg' (Concentra) en wordt de naam gewijzigd in 'Krant van West-Vlaanderen' (september 1982). Op 24 februari 1983 wordt een franstalig nieuwsweekblad, 'Le Vif Magazine', op de markt gebracht dat het instituut 'Pourquoi Pas ?' van Marc Naegels naar de kroon steekt op de Brusselse markt . In maart 1984 wordt 'Industrie Magazine' gelanceerd in samenwerking met de uitgeverij Biblo. Daarmee slaat de groep een nieuwe weg in : deze van de joint-ventures. In 1984 wordt ook het kwaliteitsblad 'Culinair' overgenomen, dat twee jaar later zou overgaan in het hernieuwde VTB-blad 'Uit' (1986). In 1985 is 'De Weekbode'-groep nogmaals aan uitbreiding toe met de overname van 'De Torhoutse Bode' (°1860) van de familie Becelaere. Het blad wordt samengesmolten met 'De Torhoutenaar'.
In februari 1986 sluit 'Le Vif' een samenwerkingsakkoord met de Franse groep L'Express en wordt de titel gewijzigd in 'Le Vif-L'Express'; het weekblad wordt bovendien aangevuld met een bijlage 'Weekend L'Express'. Daarmee volgt 'Le Vif' het voorbeeld van 'Knack' dat in 1984 ook zo'n gekoppelde bijlage kreeg (gegroeid uit de zelfstandige uitgave 'Weekendblad' die op 3.1.1983 op de markt was gebracht). Ook 'Sport Magazine' (°1980) ondergaat in 1986 een gedaanteverwisse¬ling : via een samenwerking met Hoste, toen nog in handen van de 'groep Vink', wordt het omgewerkt tot Sport 80, later Sport 90, dat wekelijks verschijnt. In 1990 wordt de participatie van uitgerij Hoste overgenomen, en in 1992 leidt een nieuwe samenwer¬king met het grote Rossel (Le Soir) tot het ontstaan van twee magazines : 'Sport Magazine' voor de algemene sport, en 'Voetbalmagazine' (°5.8.1992) als gespecialiseerde evenknie. Beide bladen verschijnen in de twee landstalen. In 1987 nemen 'Trends' en 'Tendances' de wekelijkse periodiciteit aan. In datzelfde jaar wordt de formule 'Deze week in ..." uitgewerkt, gericht op de grote Vlaamse steden. Op 28 oktober 1987 wordt de NV Vlaamse Televisie Maatschap¬pij (VTM) voor de notaris opgericht en daarin neemt Roularta een participatie van 11,11 %. In 1988 ontstaat het adviesbureau 'Top Consult' (zie verder). In 1988 wordt 'Pourquoi Pas ?' (°1910) overgenomen, volgens het vakblad 'Pub' voor 360 miljoen BEF. Het blad had het aartsmoeilijk gekregen door de onverbiddelijke concurrentie van 'Le Vif/L'Express' ('PP ?' wordt op 6.1.1989 gekoppeld aan 'Le Vif'). Deze overname zet in franstalig België veel (politiek) kwaad bloed (en het is zeer wel mogelijk dat deze overname de rechtstreekse aanleiding is geweest tot de latere politiek geïnspireerde lancering van 'L'Instant' op 7 september 1991 - zie onze bespreking van de groep TVV/EFB). Eveneens in 1988 wordt 'Baby' overgeno¬men en lanceert Roularta in samen-werking met het Parijse Bayard Presse de dubbeltitel 'Onze Tijd' en 'Notre Temps', een maandblad voor senioren, op de Belgische markt. En aan de overnames - vooral van regionale bladen - lijkt geen eind te komen : 'De Aankondiger' (1989), het Turnhoutse huis-aan-huis-blad 'Ekspres' (1990, 71.000 ex.), ''t Reklaam' (1991), het Kempense 'Het Zoeklicht' (1991), 'Uw Annoncenblad' (1992), 'Vilvoordse Post' (1992). Ook 'Belgian Business' wordt opgeslorpt (februari 1992, samen met 'Industrie' versmolten tot het maandblad 'Belgian Business & Industrie').
In 1990 nemen Roularta, tapijtfabrikant Beaulieu, de Bank van Roesela¬re, de vzw Kristelijke Zieken-fondsen en de immobiliënmaatschappij Dandi¬mo van de groep Bouc¬quillon het regio¬nale televisiestation RTVO uit Kortrijk over.
Vanaf eind november 1991 turnt Roularta de tele¬visiekaternen van het 'Weekend L'Express' en van 'Weekend Knack' om tot volwaar¬dige televisiemagazines : beter papier en uitge¬diepte redaktionele informatie met portretten en achtergrondge¬gevens, 'Télévif' en 'Teleknack'. Ze blijven beide echter een onderdeel van de zgn. weekend bijlage en zijn dus niet zonder het hoofdmagazine verkrijg¬baar. Met de overname in 1990 van het 'Brugsch Handelsblad' (°23.6.1906), en het 'Kortrijks Handelsblad' verwezenlijkt Roularta een jarenlange droom : de aanwezig¬heid met de Weekbode-groep op de belangrijke stedelijke Brugse markt. De oplage stijgt hierdoor ook uit tot boven de 100.000 ex. Door die aanwezigheid in de Westvlaam¬se hoofdstad concreti¬seert de 'Krant van West-Vlaanderen' immers nu pas tenvolle haar identiteit.
Rond de uitgaven worden ook allerlei initiatieven ontwikkeld, zoals Roularta Books (boekenuitge¬ve¬rij, 1989), Mediaclub (lezersservice) en Roularta Events (organisatie van evenementen, 1990). Mede daardoor wordt de Roularta-groep 'incontournable'.
Door de gestage schaalvergroting diende eens temeer de drukcapaciteit uitgebreid : in 1991 een magazinepers (Harris M 4000) en een hybride krantenpers (Harris M 1600); in 1993 nog een Mitsubishi-magazinepers. Verder worden de prepress-activiteiten verder geïntegreerd en geïnforma¬tiseerd (modemlijnen, DTP, duplicaatdia rechtstreeks vanuit diatheek op film).
In februari 1992 wordt 'Style' gelanceerd, een maandelijks life-style supplement voor Trends. Augustus 1992 brengt een joint venture tussen Roularta en de groep Rossel in de uitgave van twee nieuwe sportbladen 'Sportmagazine' en 'Voetbal/Foot', waarin het oude 'Sport 90' overgaat.
Sinds 14.1.1993 wordt 'Talent' (per¬soneelsadver¬tenties) wekelijkse als bijlage aan 'Trends' toegevoegd. Het betreft hier een joint venture die volgende uitgeverijen verenigt rond het initiatief : Tijd, Roularta, La Libre Belgique en Editeco (L'Echo).
In het najaar van 1993 raakt de groep betrokken bij de alliantie 'Mediabel' (Nynex-USA, Déficom, Roularta, VUM) die de uitgave van de 'Gouden Gids' wil gaan realiseren maar uiteindelijk besliste Belgacom de uitgave in eigen beheer te nemen. In oktober 1993 lekt uit dat tussen de groep en de VUM plannen bestaan om samen een goedkoop (15 BEF) dagblad, gecentreerd op het televisiege-beuren, uit te brengen. Eind december wordt dit plan echter afgeblazen. In maart 1994 raakt bekend dat Roularta samen met VUM en de Financieel Ekonomische Tijd electronisch uitgeven aan het bestuderen is. Vanaf 30 mei 1994 verschijnen de weekbladen Trends en Tendances op maandag; dit heeft te maken met de fusie van het weekblad 'Kapitaal' en het 'Beleggen'-katern van Trends tot 'Cash ! Trends' (tabloïd-bijlage van ca. 32 blz. op roze papier à la 'Financial Times'). In augustus 1994 start Roularta, aan de zijde van VUM, onderhandelingen over de overname van de groep Het Volk en verklaart in oktober niet geïnteresseerd te zijn in het dagblad, wél in de drukkerij en in de weekbladen .
Roularta heeft zich toegelegd op 'narrow casting' of doelgroepen-media (RMG zelf spreekt van 'the targeted media' ) en blijft daardoor ook weg uit de zuigkracht die het nog steeds oprukken¬de televisiemedium teweegbrengt .
Originally published in Winter 1984 on page 5
Copyright (c)1985, 1997 by Context Institute
HOWEVER NATURAL “owning” land may seem in our culture, in the long sweep of human existence, it is a fairly recent invention. Where did this notion come from? What does it really mean to “own” land? Why do we, in our culture, allow a person to draw lines in the dirt and then have almost complete control over what goes on inside those boundaries? What are the advantages, the disadvantages, and the alternatives? How might a humane and sustainable culture re-invent the “ownership” connection between people and the land?
These questions are unfamiliar (perhaps even uncomfortable) to much of our society, for our sense of “land ownership” is so deeply embedded in our fundamental cultural assumptions that we never stop to consider its implications or alternatives. Most people are at best only aware of two choices, two patterns, for land ownership – private ownership (which we associate with the industrial West) and state ownership (as in the Communist East).
Both of these patterns are full of problems and paradoxes. Private ownership enhances personal freedom (for those who are owners), but frequently leads to vast concentrations of wealth (even in the U.S., 75% of the privately held land is owned by 5% of the private landholders), and the effective denial of freedom and power to those without great wealth. State ownership muffles differences in wealth and some of the abuses of individualistic ownership, but replaces them with the often worse abuses of bureaucratic control.
Both systems treat the land as an inert resource to be exploited as fully as possible, often with little thought for the future or respect for the needs of non-human life. Both assume that land ownership goes with a kind of exclusive national sovereignty that is intimately connected to the logic of war.
In short, both systems seem to be leading us towards disaster, yet what other options are there?
The answer, fortunately, is that there are a number of promising alternatives. To understand them, however, we will need to begin by diving deeply into what ownership is and where it has come from.
THE HISTORICAL ROOTS
Beginnings Our feelings about ownership have very deep roots. Most animal life has a sense of territory – a place to be at home and to defend. Indeed, this territoriality seems to be associated with the oldest (reptilian) part the brain (see IN CONTEXT, #6) and forms a biological basis for our sense of property. It is closely associated with our sense of security and our instinctual “fight or flight” responses, all of which gives a powerful emotional dimension to our experience of ownership. Yet this biological basis does not determine the form that territoriality takes in different cultures.
Humans, like many of our primate cousins, engage in group (as well as individual) territoriality. Tribal groups saw themselves connected to particular territories – a place that was “theirs.” Yet their attitude towards the land was very different from ours. They frequently spoke of the land as their parent or as a sacred being, on whom they were dependent and to whom they owed loyalty and service. Among the aborigines of Australia, individuals would inherit a special relationship to sacred places, but rather than “ownership,” this relationship was more like being owned by the land. This sense of responsibility extended to ancestors and future generations as well. The Ashanti of Ghana say, “Land belongs to a vast family of whom many are dead, a few are living and a countless host are still unborn.”
For most of these tribal peoples, their sense of “land ownership” involved only the right to use and to exclude people of other tribes (but usually not members of their own). If there were any private rights, these were usually subject to review by the group and would cease if the land was no longer being used. The sale of land was either not even a possibility or not permitted. As for inheritance, every person had use rights simply by membership in the group, so a growing child would not have to wait until some other individual died (or pay a special fee) to gain full access to the land.
Early Agricultural Societies Farming made the human relationship to the land more concentrated. Tilling the land, making permanent settlements, etc., all meant a greater direct investment in a particular place. Yet this did not lead immediately to our present ideas of ownership. As best as is known, early farming communities continued to experience an intimate spiritual connection to the land, and they often held land in common under the control of a village council. This pattern has remained in many peasant communities throughout the world.
It was not so much farming directly, but the larger-than- tribal societies that could be based on farming that led to major changes in attitudes towards the land. Many of the first civilizations were centered around a supposedly godlike king, and it was a natural extension to go from the tribal idea that “the land belongs to the gods” to the idea that all of the kingdom belongs to the god-king. Since the god-king was supposed to personify the whole community, this was still a form of community ownership, but now personalized. Privileges of use and control of various types were distributed to the ruling elite on the basis of custom and politics.
As time went on, land took on a new meaning for these ruling elites. It became an abstraction, a source of power and wealth, a tool for other purposes. The name of the game became conquer, hold, and extract the maximum in tribute. Just as The Parable Of The Tribes (see IN CONTEXT, #7) would suggest, the human-human struggle for power gradually came to be the dominant factor shaping the human relationship to the land. This shift from seeing the land as a sacred mother to merely a commodity required deep changes throughout these cultures such as moving the gods and sacred beings into the sky where they could conveniently be as mobile as the ever changing boundaries of these empires.
The idea of private land ownership developed as a second step – partly in reaction to the power of the sovereign and partly in response to the opportunities of a larger-than- village economy. In the god-king societies, the privileges of the nobility were often easily withdrawn at the whim of the sovereign, and the importance of politics and raw power as the basis of ownership was rarely forgotten. To guard their power, the nobility frequently pushed for greater legal/customary recognition of their land rights. In the less centralized societies and in the occasional democracies and republics of this period, private ownership also developed in response to the breakdown of village cohesiveness. In either case, private property permitted the individual to be a “little king” of his/her own lands, imitating and competing against the claims of the state.
Later Developments By the early days of Greece and Rome, community common land, state or sovereign land, and private land all had strong traditions behind them. Plato and Aristotle both discussed various mixtures of private and state ownership in ideal societies, with Aristotle upholding the value of private ownership as a means of protecting diversity. As history progressed, the “great ownership debate” has continued between the champions of private interests and the champions of the state, with the idea of community common land often praised as an ideal, but in practice being gradually squeezed out of the picture. Feudal Europe was basically a system of sovereign ownership. The rise of commerce and then industrialism shifted power to the private ownership interests of the new middle class (as in the United States). The reaction against the abuses of industrialism during the past 150 years swung some opinion back again, bringing renewed interest in state ownership (as in the Communist countries).
As important as these swings have been historically, they have added essentially nothing to our basic understanding of, or attitudes about, ownership. Throughout the whole history of civilization land has been seen as primarily a source of power, and the whole debate around ownership has been, “To what extent will the state allow the individual to build a personal power base through land ownership rights?”
TAKING A FRESH LOOK
But the human-human power struggle is hardly the only, or even the most important, issue in our relationship to the land. Whatever happened to the tribal concerns about caring for the land and preserving it for future generations? What about issues like justice, human empowerment and economic efficiency? How about the rights of the land itself? If we are to move forward towards a planetary/ecological age, all of these questions and issues are going to need to be integrated into our relationship to the land. To do this we will have to get out beyond the narrow circle of the ideas and arguments of the past.
We have been talking about “ownership” as if it was an obvious, clear-cut concept: either you own (control) something or you don’t. For most people (throughout history) this has been a useful approximation, and it has been the basis of the “great ownership debate.” But if you try to pin it down (as lawyers must), you will soon discover that it is not so simple. As surprising as it may seem, our legal system has developed an understanding of “owning” that is significantly different from our common ideas and has great promise as the basis for a much more appropriate human relationship to the land.
Ownership Is A Bundle Of Rights The first step is to recognize that, rather than being one thing, what we commonly call “ownership” is in fact a whole group of legal rights that can be held by some person with respect to some “property.” In the industrial West, these usually include the right to:
use (or not use);
exclude others from using;
sell, give away or bequeath;
rent or lease;
retain all rights not specifically granted to others;
retain these rights without time limit or review.
These rights are usually not absolute, for with them go certain responsibilities, such as paying taxes, being liable for suits brought against the property, and abiding by the laws of the land. If these laws include zoning laws, building codes, and environmental protection laws, you may find that your rights to use and irreversibly change are not as unlimited as you thought. Nevertheless, within a wide range you are the monarch over your property.
No One Owns Land Each of these rights can be modified independent of the others, either by law or by the granting of an easement to some other party, producing a bewildering variety of legal conditions. How much can you modify the above conditions and still call it “ownership”? To understand the answer to this, we are going to have to make a very important distinction. In spite of the way we normally talk, no one ever “owns land”..In our legal system you can only own rights to land, you can’t directly own (that is, have complete claim to) the land itself. You can’t even own all the rights since the state always retains the right of eminent domain. For example, what happens when you sell an easement to the power company so that they can run power lines across you land? They then own the rights granted in that easement, you own most of the other rights, the state owns the right of eminent domain – but no single party owns “the land.” You can carry this as far as you like, dividing the rights up among many “owners,” all of whom will have a claim on some aspect of the land.
The wonderful thing about this distinction is that it shifts the whole debate about land ownership away from the rigid state-vs.-individual, all-or-nothing battle to the much more flexible question of who (including community groups, families, etc. as well as the state and the individual) should have which rights. This shift could be as important as the major improvement in governance that came with the shift from monolithic power (as in a monarchy) to “division of powers” (as exemplified in the U.S. Constitution with its semi-independent legislative, executive and judicial branches).
Legitimate Interests How might the problems associated with exclusive ownership (either private or state) be solved by a “division of rights” approach? To answer this, we need to first consider what are the legitimate interests that need to be included in this new approach. If we are to address all the concerns appropriate for a humane sustainable culture we need to recognize that the immediate user of the land (be that a household or a business), the local community, the planetary community, future generations, and all of life, all have legitimate interests. What are these interests?
The immediate users need the freedom to be personally (or corporately) expressive, creative, and perhaps even eccentric. They need to be able to invest energy and caring into the land with reasonable security that the use of the land will not be arbitrarily taken away and that the full equity value of improvements made to the land will be available to them either through continued use or through resale should they choose to move.
The local community needs optimal use of the land within it, without having land held arbitrarily out of use by absentee landlords. It needs to be able to benefit from the equity increases in the land itself due to the overall development of the community, and it needs security that its character will not be forced to change through inappropriate land use decisions made by those outside the community or those leaving the community.
The planetary community, future generations, and all of life need sustainable use – the assurance that ecosystems and topsoil that have been developed over hundreds of thousands of years will not be casually destroyed; that the opportunities for life will be enhanced; that non-renewal resources will be used efficiently and for long term beneficial purposes. This larger community also needs meaningful recognition that the earth is our common heritage.
Is it possible to blend these various interests in a mutually supportive way, rather than seeing them locked in a power struggle? The answer, fortunately, is yes. Perhaps the best developed alternative legal form that does this is called a land trust.
A land trust is a non-governmental organization (frequently a non-profit corporation) that divides land rights between immediate users and their community. It is being used in a number of places around the world including India, Israel, Tanzania, and the United States. Of the many types of land trusts, we will focus here on three – conservation trusts, community trusts, and stewardship trusts. These will be discussed in more detail in other articles in this section, but an initial overview now will help to draw together many of the threads we have developed so far.
In a conservation land trust, the purpose is generally to preserve some aspect of the natural environment. A conservation trust may do this by the full ownership of some piece of land that it then holds as wilderness, or it may simply own “development rights” to an undeveloped piece. What are development rights? When the original owner sells or grants development rights to the conservation trust, they put an easement (a legal restriction) on the land that prevents them or any future owners from developing the land without the agreement of the conservation trust. They have let go of the right to “irreversibly change” listed above. The conservation trust then holds these rights with the intention of preventing development. The Trust For Public Land (82 Second St, San Francisco, CA 94105, 415/495-4015) helps community groups establish conservation and agricultural land trusts.
A community land trust (CLT) has as its purpose removing land from the speculative market and making it available to those who will use it for the long term benefit of the community. A CLT generally owns full title to its lands and grants long term (like 99-year) renewable leases to those who will actually use the land. Appropriate uses for the land are determined by the CLT in a process comparable to public planning or zoning. Lease fees vary from one CLT to another, but they are generally more than taxes and insurance, less than typical mortgage payments, and less than full rental cost. The lease holders have many of the use and security rights we normally associate with ownership. They own the buildings on the land and can take full benefit from improvements they make to the land. They can not, however, sell the land nor can they usually rent or lease it without the consent of the trust. The Institute For Community Economics (57 School St. Springfield, MA 01105, 413/746-8660) is one of the major support groups for the creation of community land trusts in both urban and rural settings.
The stewardship trust combines features of both the conservation trust and the CLT, and is being used now primarily by intentional communities and non-profit groups such as schools. The groups using the land (the stewards) generally pay less than in a normal CLT, but there are more definite expectations about the care and use they give to the land.
In each one of these types, the immediate users (nonhuman as well as human) have clear rights which satisfy all of their legitimate use needs. The needs of the local community are met through representation on the board of directors of the trust which can enforce general land use standards. The larger community usually has some representation on the trust’s board as well. Thus by dividing what we normally think of as ownership into “stewardship” (the users) and “trusteeship” (the trust organization), land trusts are pioneering an approach that better meets all the legitimate interests.
The system is, of course, still limited by the integrity and the attitudes of the people involved. Nor are current land trusts necessarily the model for “ownership” in a humane sustainable culture. But they show what can be done and give us a place to build from. I’ll explore more of where we might build to in a later article, but now lets turn to other perspectives and experiences with going beyond ownership.
Chaudhuri, Joyotpaul, Possession, Ownership And Access: A Jeffersonian View (Political Inquiry, Vol 1, No 1, Fall 1973).
Denman, D.R., The Place Of Property (London: Geographical Publications Ltd, 1978).
Institute For Community Economics, The Community Land Trust Handbook (Emmaus, PA: Rodale Press, 1982).
International Independence Institute, The Community Land Trust (Cambridge, MA: Center For Community Economic Development, 1972).
Macpherson, C.B., Property: Mainstream And Critical Positions (Toronto: Univ Of Toronto Press, 1978).
Schlatter, Richard, Private Property: The History Of An Idea (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1951).
Scott, William B., In Pursuit Of Happiness: American Conceptions Of Property (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977).
Tully, James, A Discourse On Property: John Locke And His Adversaries (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ Press, 1980).
by John Talbot
IT WAS NOT so long ago in human history that the rights of all humans were not acknowledged, even in the democracies. Slavery was only abolished a few generations ago. In the same way that we have come to see human rights as being inherent, so we are now beginning to recognize land rights, and by land I mean all life that lives and takes its nourishment from it, as well as the soil and earth itself. Once we have understood and accepted that idea, we can truly enter into a cooperative relationship with Nature. I’m not talking about living in fear of disturbing anything or a totally “hands off nature” angry ecologist view, but simply acknowledging the right to be of land and nature, and that when we do “disturb” it we do so with sensitivity and respect, doing our best to be in harmony with what is already there.
Being in harmony, apart from being a very subjective state, may not always be possible: for example in the case of putting a house down where once there wasn’t one. But we as humans have needs too. Nature knows that and is, I believe, quite willing to accommodate us. Our responsibility is, however, to act consciously and with the attitude of respect and desire for cooperation. It is no different from respecting other people’s rights in our interactions, being courteous and sensitive to their needs and feelings. This attitude toward the land is almost universally held by aboriginal and native peoples, from the Bushman to the Native American Indians to the tribes of the South Pacific. Earth Etiquette, you might say.
Following directly from that is the principle that you cannot really buy, sell or own the land. Just as we cannot (or should not) own slaves of our own species, we would not make slaves of animals, plants or the land and nature in general. Sounds easy but I feel this represents a very profound and fundamental change in human attitudes; one that takes thought, effort and time to reprogram in ourselves.
By WOLFGANG SAXON
Published: December 4, 1984
Edward Crankshaw, one of the most respected authors on the Soviet Union and chronicler of the Hapsburgs, died last Thursday in his native Britain after what was described as a ''long and painful illness.'' He was 75 years old and lived in Hawkhurst, in rural Kent.
His death was reported Sunday in The Observer, the British weekly for which he kept watch on the Soviet scene starting in 1947. Mr. Crankshaw, who spurned the label of ''Kremlinologist,'' was regarded as Britain's premier journalistic expert on Soviet politics.
The author of about 20 books, including three novels, Mr. Crankshaw contribued a steady flow of prefaces, essays and articles to publications in Britain and the United States, including The New York Times. In addition, he commented on Soviet affairs for the BBC.
Difficult to place politically, Mr. Crankshaw reluctantly became a Soviet specialist when The Observer asked him to take the assignment after World War II, part of which he had spent in Moscow. One of the conclusions he had reached was that Kremlin policies must be seen as something that did not start with the Bolshevik takeover in 1917, but had ancient roots. He Avoided Speculation
Thus, Mr. Crankshaw avoided speculations about absences from the Kremlin wall at anniversary parades. Instead, his basic impressions had been formed when the Russians were fighting for survival, and he took heart from Stalin's evocations of historical ''Holy Russia.''
His political testament came in a preface written this year to a selection from his writings, ''Putting Up With the Russians.''
As a conservative dedicated to the survival of European civilization, he rejected the harsh tones adopted by President Reagan and his supporters, accusing them of trying to turn the Soviet Union into a pariah. Mr. Crankshaw viewed detente with some skepticism, but he insisted on the need for co- existence.
He was the author of ''Russia Without Stalin'' in 1956, regarding the changes in everyday life in the post- Stalin era. He also wrote ''Khrushchev's Russia'' (1960) and ''Khrushchev: A Career,'' published six years later.
He then wrote the introduction for ''Khrushchev Remembers,'' a rich compilation of comments, speeches, conversations and interviews by Nikita I. Khruschev, the Kremlin leader who denounced the Stalinist terror. 'Khrushchev Himself'
Mr. Crankshaw, who also contributed copious footnotes and commentary to the Khrushchev book, helped defend the book against doubters. He said that by ''style and content'' the words were ''Khrushchev himself, quite unmistakably speaking.'' His faith in the book's authenticity has come to be shared by most others since its publication in 1970.
Though ailing for many years, Mr. Crankshaw, a slight and courtly man, continued to write even in bed whenever he was unable to move about.
His last volume published in this country was ''Bismarck'' in 1982. Writing in The New York Times Book Review, George L. Mosse called the book ''a cautionary tale about political and military power'' that sees Bismarck's ''apparent success as a failure because the Iron Chancellor exalted the amoral concept of politics into a principle.''
Edward Crankshaw was born on Jan. 3, 1909, in rural Essex. As a boy, he often visited the London magistrate's court where his father, Arthur, worked as chief clerk. He attended Bishop's Stortford College but left early - hence his claim to having been largely self- taught.
Instead, Mr. Crankshaw went to the Continent to travel, and he lived in Vienna, becoming fluent in German. His Austrian years turned out to be formative ones for his mind as he watched democracy crumble in the new Austrian republic. They also instilled him with a passion for literature and music.
From Europe, he wrote for British publications subjects ranging from twelve-tone music to books, art and the theater. But he gave up journalism to write ''Joseph Conrad: Some Aspects of the Art of the Novel,'' a study of Conrad's methods and the novelist's art in general. Another book, ''Vienna: The Image of a Culture in Decline,'' appeared in 1938. Posted to Moscow in '41
In 1936, Mr. Crankshaw was commissioned into Britain's Territorial Army. In 1941, he was posted to Moscow as an intelligence officer, and he did all he could to understand the Russians, their history, national character and government.
Having also traveled on the periphery of the Soviet Union, he was asked by The Observer to return to journalism as its Russian expert. His early books on the subject were ''Britain and Russia'' (1945), ''Russia and the Russians'' (1947) and ''Russia by Daylight'' (1951).
A well-received history was The Shadow of the Winter Palace: The Drift to Revolution, 1825-1917 which appeared in 1976. Other well-received books were ''The Fall of the House of Hapsburg'' (1963) and ''The Hapsburgs'' (1971).
Of Mr. Crankshaw's ''Maria Theresa'' (1969), Thomas Lask wrote in his review in The New York Times, ''Mr. Crankshaw has managed in what is a model of compression and judicious selection to rescue Maria Theresa from the history books and to turn a monument into a warm and appealing woman.''
Mr. Crankshaw is survived by his wife, the former Clare Chesterton Carr.
Originally published in Autumn 1983 on page 8
Copyright (c)1983, 1997 by Context Institute
THE HUMAN TENDENCY toward, and preparations for, open warfare are certainly the most spectacular obstacles to peace, but they are not the only challenges we face. For much of the world’s population, hunger, not war, is the pressing issue, and it is hard to imagine a genuine peace that did not overcome our current global pattern of extensive poverty in the midst of plenty.
Hunger and poverty are two prime examples of what is described as “structural violence,” that is, physical and psychological harm that results from exploitive and unjust social, political and economic systems. It is something that most of us know is going on, some of us have experienced, but in its starker forms, it is sufficiently distant from most North American lives that it is often hard to get a good perspective on it. I’ve come across an approach that seems to help provide that perspective, and I’d like to describe it.
How significant is structural violence? How does one measure the impact of injustice? While this may sound like an impossibly difficult question, Gernot Kohler and Norman Alcock (in Journal of Peace Research, 1976, 13, pp. 343-356) have come up with a surprisingly simple method for estimating the grosser forms of structural violence, at least at an international level. The specific question they ask is, how many extra deaths occur each year due to the unequal distribution of wealth between countries?
To understand their approach, we will need to plunge into some global statistics. It will help to start with the relationship between Life Expectancy (LE) and Gross National Product Per Person (GNP/p) that is shown in the following figure.
Each dot in this figure stands for one country with its LE and GNP/p for the year 1979. All together, 135 countries are represented (data from Ruth Sivard’s World Military and Social Expenditures 1982, World Priorities, Box 1003, Leesburg VA 22075, $4). Kohler and Alcock used a similar figure based on data for 1965, and I’ll compare the 1965 data with the 1979 data later in this article. Except for a few oil exporting countries (like Libya) that have unusual combinations of high GNPs and low Life Expectancies, the data follows a consistent pattern shown by the curve. Among the “poor” countries (with GNP/p below about $2400 per person per year), life expectancy is relatively low and increases rapidly with increasing GNP/p. Among the “rich” countries, life expectancy is consistently high and is relatively unaffected by GNP.
The dividing line between these two groups turns out to also be the world average GNP per person. The value of the life expectancy curve at that point (for 1979) is 70 years. Thus, other things being equal, if the world’s wealth was distributed equally among the nations, every country would have a life expectancy of 70 years. This value is surprisingly close to the average life expectancy for the industrial countries (72 years), and is even not that far below the maximum national life expectancy of 76 years (Iceland, Japan, and Sweden).
Kohler and Alcock use this egalitarian model as a standard to compare the actual world situation against. The procedure is as follows. The actual number of deaths in any country can be estimated by dividing the population (P) by the life expectancy (LE). The difference between the actual number of deaths and the number of deaths that would occur under egalitarian conditions is thus P/LE – P/70. For example, in 1979 India had a population of 677 million and a life expectancy of 52 years. Thus India’s actual death rate was 13 million while if the life expectancy had been 70, the rate would have been 9.7 million. The difference of 3.3 million thus provides an estimate of the number of extra deaths.
Calculating this difference for each country and then adding them up gives the number of extra deaths worldwide due to the unequal distribution of resources. The result for 1965 was 14 million, while for 1979 the number had declined to 11 million. (China, with a quarter of the world’s population, is responsible for 3/4 of this drop since it raised its life expectancy from 50 in 1965 to 64 in 1979.)
How legitimate is it to ascribe these deaths to the structural violence of human institutions, and not just to the variability of nature? Perhaps the best in-depth study of structural violence comes from the Institute for Food and Development Policy (1885 Mission St, San Francisco, CA 94103). What they find throughout the Third World is that the problems of poverty and hunger often date back hundreds of years to some conquest – by colonial forces or otherwise. The victors became the ruling class and the landholders, pushing the vast majority either on to poor ground or into being landless laborers. Taxes, rentals, and the legal system were all structured to make sure that the poor stayed poor. The same patterns continue today.
Additional support is provided by the evidence in the above figure, which speaks for itself. Also, according to Sivard, 97% of the people in the Third World live under repressive governments, with almost half of all Third World countries run by military dominated governments. Finally, as a point of comparison, Ehrlich and Ehrlich (Population, Environment, and Resources, 1972, p72) estimate between 10 and 20 million deaths per year due to starvation and malnutrition. If their estimates are correct, our estimates may even be too low.
Some comparisons will help to put these figures in perspective. The total number of deaths from all causes in 1965 was 62 million, so these estimates indicate that 23% of all deaths were due to structural violence. By 1979 the fraction had dropped to 15%. While it is heartening to see this improvement, the number of deaths is staggeringly large, dwarfing any other form of violence other than nuclear war. For example, the level of structural violence is 60 times greater than the average number of battle related deaths per year since 1965 (Sivard 1982). It is 1.5 times as great as the yearly average number of civilian and battle field deaths during the 6 years of World War II. Every 4 days, it is the equivalent of another Hiroshima.
Perhaps the most hopeful aspect of this whole tragic situation is that essentially everyone in the present system has become a loser. The plight of the starving is obvious, but the exploiters don’t have much to show for their efforts either – not compared to the quality of life they could have in a society without the tensions generated by this exploitation. Especially at a national level, what the rich countries need now is not so much more material wealth, but the opportunity to live in a world at peace. The rich and the poor, with the help of modern technology and weaponry, have become each others’ prisoners.
Now that you're wondering how must they feel,
Meaning them that you've chased across America's movie screens.
Now that you're wondering how can it be real
That the ones you've called colorful, noble and proud
In your school propaganda
They starve in their splendor?
You've asked for my comment I simply will render:
My country 'tis of thy people you're dying.
Now that the longhouses breed superstition
You force us to send our toddlers away
To your schools where they're taught to despise their traditions.
You forbid them their languages, then further say
That American history really began
When Columbus set sail out of Europe, then stress
That the nation of leeches that conquered this land
Are the biggest and bravest and boldest and best.
And yet where in your history books is the tale
Of the genocide basic to this country's birth,
Of the preachers who lied, how the Bill of Rights failed,
How a nation of patriots returned to their earth?
And where will it tell of the Liberty Bell
As it rang with a thud
O'er Kinzua mud,
And of brave Uncle Sam in Alaska this year?
My country 'tis of thy people you're dying.
Hear how the bargain was made for the West:
With her shivering children in zero degrees,
Blankets for your land, so the treaties attest,
Oh well, blankets for land is a bargain indeed,
And the blankets were those Uncle Sam had collected
From smallpox-diseased dying soldiers that day.
And the tribes were wiped out and the history books censored,
A hundred years of your statesmen have felt it's better this way.
And yet a few of the conquered have somehow survived,
Their blood runs the redder though genes have paled.
From the Gran Canyon's caverns to craven sad hills
The wounded, the losers, the robbed sing their tale.
From Los Angeles County to upstate New York
The white nation fattens while others grow lean;
Oh the tricked and evicted they know what I mean.
My country 'tis of thy people you're dying.
The past it just crumbled, the future just threatens;
Our life blood shut up in your chemical tanks.
And now here you come, bill of sale in your hands
And surprise in your eyes that we're lacking in thanks
For the blessings of civilization you've brought us,
The lessons you've taught us, the ruin you've wrought us --
Oh see what our trust in America's brought us.
My country 'tis of thy people you're dying.
Now that the pride of the sires receives charity,
Now that we're harmless and safe behind laws,
Now that my life's to be known as your "heritage,"
Now that even the graves have been robbed,
Now that our own chosen way is a novelty --
Hands on our hearts we salute you your victory,
Choke on your blue white and scarlet hypocrisy
Pitying the blindness that you've never seen
That the eagles of war whose wings lent you glory
They were never no more than carrion crows,
Pushed the wrens from their nest, stole their eggs, changed their story;
The mockingbird sings it, it's all that he knows.
"Ah what can I do?" say a powerless few
With a lump in your throat and a tear in your eye --
Can't you see that their poverty's profiting you.
My country 'tis of thy people you're dying.
Bron: STEPHANY 2002: 216
Zie ook: "Mobutu returned to civilian life just as decolonization began to seem possible. His newspaper articles had brought him to the attention of Pierre Davister, a Belgian editor of the Léopoldville paper L’Avenir. At that time, a European patron was of enormous benefit to an ambitious Congolese; under Davister’ s tutelage, Mobutu became an editorial writer for the new African weekly, Actualités Africaines. Davister later would provide valuable services by giving favorable coverage to the Mobutu regime as editor of his own Belgian magazine, Spécial."
zie ook: "En février 1950, il est enrôlé à la Force publique et envoyé à l'école centrale de Luluabourg (Kananga) pour suivre la formation de secrétaire-comptable dont il obtient le brevet de en 1952. Troisième de sa promotion, il est affecté en 1953 à l'Etat-Major de la Force Publique à Kinshasa. Là, il collabore à la rédaction du journal de l'armée "Sango ya bisu" et, bientôt, à celle de l'Avenir colonial belge, appelé à devenir plus raisonnablement l'Avenir. En effet, le 5 janvier 1956, la direction de ce journal décide d'ouvrir ses colonnes aux Congolais dans les "Actualités Africaines" et fait parître certains articles signés d'un certain "De Banzy", qui n'est autre que le jeune Mobutu. L'utilisation du pseudonyme s'explique par le fait qu'un soldat n'avait pas le droit d'écrire dans un journal civil. de Banzy dérive de Banzyville, son territoire d'origine, actuellement Mobayi Mbongo.Libéré de ses engagements militaires à la fin de son terme le 31 décembre 1956, il entre dans le comité de rédaction des "Actualités Africaines" avec la recommandation de Pierre Davister. il rencontre pour la première fois Patrice Lumumba en juillet 1956 dans les bureaux des "Actualités Africaines". (http://www.congonline.com/Politiq/mobutu.htm)
IV International Congress for Modern Architecture
This document was produced as a result of the IV International Congress of Modern Architecture which took as its theme "the functional city" and focused on urbanism and the importance of planning in urban development schemes. The document includes urban ensembles in the definition of the built heritage and emphasizes the spiritual, cultural and economic value of the architectural heritage. It includes a recommendation calling for the destruction of urban slums and creation of "verdant areas" in their place, denying any potential heritage value of such areas. It condemns the use of pastiche for new construction in historic areas.
This is a retyped version of a translated document entitled The Athens Charter, 1933. J.Tyrwitt created the translation from French to English in 1943; the translation was thereafter published by Harvard University's Library of the Graduate School of design. It is included here for educational reference purposes only. The Getty suggests that when referencing this document, the original document should be consulted (see citation below).
The formatting, to the best of our abilities, have remained intact and any original typographical errors noted, but otherwise have been left unchanged.
Full Bibliographic Information:
Congress Internationaux d'Architecture moderne (CIAM), La Charte d'Athenes or The Athens Charter, 1933. Trans J.Tyrwhitt. Paris, France: The Library of the Graduate School of Design, Harvard University, 1946.
THE LIBRARY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF DESIGN
THE ATHENS CHARTER, 1933
Translated by J. Tyrwhitt
from La Charte d'Athenes Paris, 1943
I. THE CITY IN ITS REGIONAL SETTING points 1-8
II. THE FOUR FUNCTIONS OF THE CITY
A. Dwelling 9-29
B. Recreation 30-40
C. Work 41-50
D. Transportation 51-64
E. Legacy of history 65-70
III. CONCLUSIONS 71-95
I. THE CITY IN ITS REGIONAL SETTING
1. The city is only a part of the economic, social and political entity which constitutes the region.
2. Economic, social and political values are juxtaposed with the psychological and physiological attributes of the human being, raising problems of the relations between the individual and the community. Life can only expand to the extent that accord is reached between these two opposing forces: the individual and the community.
3. Psychological and biological constants are influenced by the environment: its geographic and topographic situation as well as its economic and political situation. The geographic and topographic situation is of prime importance, and includes natural elements, land and water, flora, soil, climate, etc.
4. Next comes the economic situation, including the resources of the region and natural or manmade means of communication with the outside world.
5. Thirdly comes the political situation and the system of government and administration.
6. Special circumstances have, throughout history, determined the character of individual cities: military defense, scientific discoveries, different administrations, the progressive development of communications and methods of transportation (road, water, rail, air).
7. The factors which govern the development of cities are thus subject to continual change.
8. The advent of the machine age has caused immense disturbances to man's habits, place of dwelling and type of work; an uncontrolled concentration in cities, caused by mechanical transportation, has resulted in brutal and universal changes without precendent [sic] in history. Chaos has entered into the cities.
II. THE FOUR FUNCTIONS OF THE CITY
9. The population density is too great in the historic, central districts of cities as well as in some nineteenth century areas of expansion: densities rise to 1000 and even 1500 inhabitants per hectare (approximately 400 to 600 per acre).
10. In the congested urban areas housing conditions are unhealthy due to insufficient space within the dwelling, absence of useable green spaces and neglected maintenance of the buildings (exploitation based on speculation). This situation is aggravated by the presence of a population with a very low standard of living, incapable of initiating ameliorations (mortality up to 20 per cent).
11. Extensions of the city devour, bit by bit, its surrounding green areas; one can discern the successive rings of development. This ever greater separation from natural elements heightens the harmful effects of bad sanitary conditions.
12. Dwellings are scattered throughout the city without consideration of sanitary requirements.
13. The most densely populated districts are in the least favorable situations (on unfavorable slopes, invaded by fog or industrial emanations, subject to flooding, etc.)
14. Low indensity developments (middle income dwellings) occupy the advantageous sites, sheltered from unfavorable winds, with secure views opening onto an agreeable countryside, lake, sea, or mountains, etc. and with ample air and sunlight.
15. This segregation of dwellings is sanctioned by custom, and by a system of local authority regulations considered quite justifiable: zoning.
16. Buildings constructed alongside major routes and around crossroads are unsuitable for dwellings because of noise, dust and noxious gases.
17. The traditional alignment of houses along the sides of roads means that good exposure to sunlight is only possible for a minimum number of dwellings.
18. The distribution of community services related to housing is arbitrary.
19. Schools, in particular, are frequently sited on busy traffic routes and too far from the houses they serve.
20. Suburbs have developed without plans and without well organized links with the city.
21. Attempts have been made too late to incorporate suburbs within the administrative unit of the city.
22. Suburbs are often merely an agglomeration of hutments where it is difficult to collect funds for the necessary roads and services.
IT IS RECOMMENDED
23. Residential areas should occupy the best places in the city from the point of view of typography, climate, sunlight and availability of green space.
24. The selection of residential zones should be determined on grounds of health.
25. Reasonable densities should be imposed related both to the type of housing and to the conditions of the site.
26. A minimum number of hours of sunlight should be required for each dwelling unit.
27. The alignment of housing along main traffic routes should be forbidden [sic]
28. Full use should be made of modern building techniques in constructing highrise apartments.
29. Highrise apartments placed at wide distances apart liberate ground for large open spaces.
30. Open spaces are generally insufficient.
31. When there is sufficient open space it is often badly distributed and, therefore not readily usable by most of the population.
32. Outlying open spaces cannot ameliorate areas of downtown congestion.
33. The few sports fields, for reasons of accessibility, usually occupy sites earmarked for future development for housing or industry: which makes for a precarious existance [sic] and their frequent displacement.
34. Land that could be used for week-end leisure is often very difficult of access [sic].
IT IS RECOMMENDED
35. All residential areas should be provided with sufficient open space to meet reasonable needs for recreation and active sports for children, adolescents and adults.
36. Unsanitary slums should be demolished and replaced by open space. This would ameliorate the surrounding areas.
37. The new open spaces should be used for well-defined purposes: children's playgrounds, schools, youth clubs and other community buildings closely related to housing.
38. It should be possible to spend week-end free time in accessible and favorable places.
39. These should be laid out as public parks, forests, sports grounds, stadiums, beaches, etc.
40. Full advantages should be taken of existing natural features: rivers, forests, hills, mountains, valleys, lakes, sea, etc.
41. Places of work are no longer rationally distributed within the urban complex. This comprises industry, workshops, offices, government and commerce.
42. Connections between dwelling and place of work are no longer reasonable: they impose excessively long journeys to work.
43. The time spent in journeying to work has reached a critical situation.
44. In the absence of planning programs, the uncontrolled growth of cities, lack of foresight, land speculation, etc. have caused industry to settle haphazardly, following no rule.
45. Office buildings are concentrated in the downtown business district which, as the most privileged part of the city, served by the most complete system of communications, readily falls prey to speculation. Since offices are private concerns effective planning for their best development is difficult.
IT IS RECOMMENDED
46. Distances between work places and dwelling places should be reduced to a minimum.
47. Industrial sectors should be separated from residential sectors by an area of green open space.
48. Industrial zones should be contiguous with railroads, canals and highways.
49. Workshops, which are intimately related to urban life, and indeed derive from it, should occupy well designed [sic] areas in the interior of the city.
50. Business districts devoted to administration both public and private, should be assured of good communications with residential areas as well as with industries and workshops within the city and upon its fringes.
51. The existing network of urban communications has arisen from an agglomeration of the aids [sic] roads of major traffic routes. In Europe these major routes date back well into the middle ages [sic], sometimes even into antiquity.
52. Devised for the use of pedestrians and horse drawn vehicles, they are inadequate for today's mechanized transportation.
53. These inappropriate street dimensions prevent the effective use of mechanized vehicles at speeds corresponding to urban pressure.
54. Distances between crossroads are too infrequent.
55. Street widths are insufficient. Their widening is difficult and often ineffectual.
56. Faced by the needs of high speed [sic] vehicles, present the apparently irrational street pattern lacks efficiency and flexibility, differentiation and order [sic].
57. Relics of a former pompous magnificence designed for special monumental effects often complicate traffic circulation.
58. In many cases the railroad system presents a serious obstacle to well planned urban development. It barricades off certain residential districts, depriving them from easy contact with the most vital elements of the city.
IT IS RECOMMENDED THAT
59. Traffic analyses be made, based on accurate statistics, to show the general pattern of circulation in the city and its region, and reveal the location of heavily travelled [sic] routes and the types of their traffic.
60. Transportation routes should be classified according to their nature, and be designed to meet the rrquirements [sic] and speeds of specific types of vehicles.
61. Heavily used traffic junctions should be designed for continuous passage of vehicles, using different levels.
62. Pedestrian routes and automobile routes should follow separate paths.
63. Roads should be differentiated according to their functions: residential streets, promenades, through roads, major highways, etc.
64. In principle, heavy traffic routes should be insulated by green belts.
E. Legacy of History
IT IS RECOMMENDED THAT:
65. Fine architecture, whether individual buildings or groups of buildings, should be protected from demolition.
66. The grounds for the preservation of buildings should be that they express an earlier culture and that their retention is in the public interest.
67. But their preservation should no [sic] entail that people are obliged to live in unsalubrius [sic] conditions.
68. If their present location obstructs development, radical measures may be called for, such as altering major circulation routes or even shifting existing central districts - something usually considered impossible.
69. The demolition of slums surrounding historic monuments provides an opportunity to create new open spaces.
70. The re-use of past styles of building for new structures in historic areas under the pretext of assthetics [sic] has disastrous consequences. The continuance or the introduction of such habits in any form should not be tolerated.
71. Most of the cities studied present an image of chaos. They do not correspond in any way to their ultimate purpose: to satisfy the basic biological and physiological needs of their inhabitants.
72. The irresponsibility of private enterprise has resulted in a disastrous rupture of the equilibrium between strong economic forces on one side and, on the other, weak administrative controls and powerless social interests.
73. Although cities are constantly changing, their development proceeds without order or control and with no attempt to apply contemporary town planning principles, such as have been specified in professionally qualified circles.
74. The city should assure both individual liberty and the benefits of collective action on both the spiritual and material planes.
75. The dimensions of everything wi thin [sic] the urban domain should relate to the human scale.
76. The four keys to urban planning are the four functions of the city: dwelling, work, recreation (use of leisure time), transportation.
77. The city plan sould [sic] determine the internal structure and the interrelated positions in the city of each sector of the four key functions.
78. The plan should ensure that the daily cycle of activities between the dwelling, workplace and recreation (recuperation) can occur with the utmost economy of time. The dwelling should be considered as the prime center of all urban planning, to which all other functions are attached.
79. The speeds of mechanized transportation have disrupted the urban setting, presenting an ever-present danger, obstructing or paralyzing communications and endangering health.
80. The principle of urban and suburban circulation must be revised. A classification of acceptable speeds must be established. A reformed type of zoning must be set up that can bring the key functions of the city into a harmonious relationship and develop connections between them. These connections can then be developed into a rational network of major highways.
81. Town planning is a science based on three dimensions, not on two. This introduces the element of height which offers the possibility of freeing spaces for modern traffic circulation and for recreational purposes.
82. The city should be examined in the context of its region of influence. A plan for the total economic unit - the city-region - must replace the simple master plan of a city.
83. The city should be able to grow harmoniously as a functioning urban unity in all its different parts, by means of preordained open spaces and connecting links, but a state of equilibrium should exist at every stage of its development.
84. It is urgently necessary for every city to prepare a planning program indicating what laws will be needed to bring the plan to realization.
85. The planning program must be based on rigorous analytical studies carried out by specialists. It must foresee its stages of development in time andspace [sic]. It must coordinate the natural resources of the site, its topographic advantages, its economic assets, its social needs and its spiritual aspirations.
86. The architect engaged in town planning should determine everything in accordance with the human scale.
87. The point of departure for all town planning should be the single dwelling, or cell, and its grouping into neighborhood units of suitable size.
88. With these neighborhood units as the basis, the urban complex can be designed to bring out the relations between dwelling, places of work and places devoted to recreation.
89. The full resources of modern technology are needed to carry out this tremendous task. This means obtaining the cooperation of specialists to enrich the art of building by the incorporation of scientific innovations.
90. The progress of these developments will be greatly influenced by political, social and economic factors. . . [sic]
91. And not, in the last resort, by questions of architecture.
92. The magnitude of the urgent task of renovating the cities, and the excessive subdivision of urban land ownerships present two antagonistic realities.
93. This sharp contradiction poses one of the most serious problems of our time: the pressing need to regulate the disposition of land on an equitable and legal basis, so as to meet the vital needs of the community as well as those of the individual.
94. Private interests should be subordinated to the interests of the community.
zie ook De Pers nr 108, blz. 77
zie ook X 1988c: 64
(Lyrics by Joan Baez, Music by Ennio Morricone)
Father, yes, I am a prisoner
Fear not to relay my crime
The crime is loving the forsaken
Only silence is shame
And now I'll tell you what's against us
An art that's lived for centuries
Go through the years and you will find
What's blackened all of history
Against us is the law
With its immensity of strength and power
Against us is the law!
Police know how to make a man
A guilty or an innocent
Against us is the power of police!
The shameless lies that men have told
Will ever more be paid in gold
Against us is the power of the gold!
Against us is racial hatred
And the simple fact that we are poor
My father dear, I am a prisoner
Don't be ashamed to tell my crime
The crime of love and brotherhood
And only silence is shame
With me I have my love, my innocence,
The workers, and the poor
For all of this I'm safe and strong
And hope is mine
Rebellion, revolution don't need dollars
They need this instead
Imagination, suffering, light and love
And care for every human being
You never steal, you never kill
You are a part of hope and life
The revolution goes from man to man
And heart to heart
And I sense when I look at the stars
That we are children of life
The workers, and the poor
For all of this I'm safe and strong
And hope is mine
Rebellion, revolution don't need dollars
They need this instead
Imagination, suffering, light and love
And care for every human being
You never steal, you never kill
You are a part of hope and life
The revolution goes from man to man
And heart to heart
And I sense when I look at the stars
That we are children of life
Death is small
Op 1 jan 1959 wordt het een weekblad. (Luykx 1978: 700).
Uit PP? van 20 mei 1960 citeren we het 'charter' (mission statement) van PP? uit 1910: "Dans les grands quotidiens, le rédacteur appartient à son journal. Ici, le journal appartiendra à ses rédacteurs. Ils seront donc complètement indépendants pour raconter les faits de la semaine et pour épiloguer à leur sujet, selon leur fantaisie et leur tendance d'esprit."
De stichter van Het Laatste Nieuws, Julius Hoste, richt een nieuwe Nederlandstalige krant van liberale strekking op, de "Vlaamsche Gazet". Het blad richt zich tot de hogere maatschappelijke klasse van de hoofdstad. (X 1988c: 55)
Ce quotidien est fondé le 27 juin 1894 par des notables anversois (Castelein, de
Meester et Rijckmans). Il répond aux voeux des catholiques. La Métropole, qui paraît
dès l’aube, dispose d’une presse rotative Marinoni à partir de mars 1897. Elle supplante
vite L’Escaut, une autre feuille catholique. Elle devient aussi le journal préféré de
l’homme d’affaires et du chef d’entreprise grâce à ses rubriques économiques et
financières. Stoppée par la chute d’Anvers le 7 octobre 1914, La Métropole renaît à
Londres quinze jours plus tard en supplément de l’édition matinale du Standard. La
crise du papier met cependant un terme à cette situation le 4 mars 1916. De retour à
Anvers en 1918, les dirigeants constatent la destruction des installations du journal. La
Métropole se voit donc éditée par De Vlijt jusqu’en 1920. En 1940, c’est un nouveau
coup d’arrêt. Le journal reparaît à l’automne 1944. Mais son quartier général est une
nouvelle fois ravagé par une bombe. Et c’est De Vlijt qui vient encore à la rescousse en
accueillant La Métropole en ses murs. En 1965, c’est l’association avec Le Matin et La
Flandre Libérale à travers Sobeledip (absorbée par Rossel en 1966). Mais La
Métropole, vaincue par la flamandisation, disparaît comme ses deux confrères le 30 juin
1974 (cf. “La Métropole, in : La Presse, n°16, 10-12/1957, pp.7-14).
John Stuart Mill werd geboren in zijn vaders huis in Pentonville, Londen, als de oudste zoon van James Mill. Hij kreeg zijn onderwijs van zijn vader, met advies en assistentie van Jeremy Bentham en Francis Place. Hij kreeg een strenge opvoeding en werd nadrukkelijk afgeschermd van andere jongens van zijn leeftijd. Zijn vader, een navolger van Bentham, had als zijn specifieke doel om een genieus intellect te creëren dat de doelen en uitvoering van het utilisme zou doen verder leven na de dood van Bentham en hemzelf.
Tegen de tijd dat hij drie was kon hij het Griekse alfabet opnoemen, en toen hij acht werd had hij Aesopus' 'Fabels' gelezen en wist hij van Plato. In 1818 begon hij aan een studie logica en het jaar erop kreeg hij te maken met politieke economie.
Hij publiceerde zijn eerste belangrijke boek in 1842, The system of logic. Een van de belangrijkste theorieën is het beginsel van causaliteit – Als A altijd door B wordt gevolgd, kan worden verondersteld dat dit in de toekomst ook altijd zo zal zijn.
In 1869 publiceerde hij Subjection of Women, waarin hij de vrouwenrechten verdedigde. Hij was dan al vier jaar parlementslid waar hij eveneens ijverde voor het vrouwenkiesrecht en de vooruitstrevende liberalen steunde. Zijn vrouw Henriëtte, die in 1858 stierf, zou het boek geschreven hebben, maar op haar naam mocht het niet worden uitgegeven. Tot op de dag van vandaag staat het boek officieel op naam van John Stuart Mill.
Writings by John Stuart Mill
[books / book excerpts]
· The Logic of the Moral Sciences. Excerpted from A System of Logic. London, 1843, 8th ed. 1872. [French translation]
· Essays on Some Unsettled Questions of Political Economy. London, 1844.
· Principles of Political Economy. London, 1848, 7th ed. 1871.
· On Liberty. London, 1859. [French translation]
· Dissertations and Discussions. London, 1859, 4th ed. 1882.
· Considerations on Representative Government. London, 1861.
· Utilitarianism. London, 1863. Reprinted from Fraser's Magazine, 1861. [French translation]
· Auguste Comte and Positivism. London, 1865. Reprinted from Westminster Review, 1865. [French translation]
· An Examination of Sir Hamilton's Philosophy. London, 1865.
· The Subjection of Women. London, 1869. [French translation] [Spanish translation]
· Autobiography. London, 1873. [French translation]
· Three Essays on Religion [Nature + Utility of Religion + Theism]. London, 1874.
· Chapters on Socialism. Fortnightly Review, 1879.
· Free Discussion (1). Morning Chronicle, 1823.
· Free Discussion (2). Morning Chronicle, 1823.
· Free Discussion (3). Morning Chronicle, 1823.
· A Defense of Bentham. Excerpted from 'Whewell on Moral Philosophy'. Westminster Review, 1836.
· Note on N. W. Senior's Political Economy. In Senior's Outline of the Science of Political Economy, London, 1836.
· The Negro Question. Fraser's Magazine, 1850.
· Bentham. 1838, 2nd ed. 1859.
· The Contest in America. Fraser's Magazine, 1862.
· Inaugural Address. Delivered to the University of St. Andrews, 1867.
· Meetings in Royal Parks. Delivered in Parliament, 1867.
· Speech in Favour of Capital Punishment. Delivered in Parliament, 1868.
· Thornton on Labour and its Claims. Fortnightly Review, 1869.
· Theism. In Three Essays on Religion, London, 1874.
· Nature. In Three Essays on Religion, London, 1874.
· Utility of Religion. In Three Essays on Religion, London, 1874.
· To James Mill. April 25, 1821.
· To ? March 18, 1840.
· To Gustave D'Eichthal. January 10, 1842.
· To ? May 13, 1865.
· To a Gentleman in Ohio. September 1, 1865.
Writings about John Stuart Mill
[dictionary / encyclopaedia entries]
· John Stuart Mill. The Cambridge History of English and American Literature.
· John Stuart Mill. The Columbia Encyclopedia.
· John Stuart Mill. The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics.
· John Stuart Mill. Encyclopædia Britannica.
· John Stuart Mill. Encyclopædia Britannica (1911).
· John Stuart Mill. Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
· John Stuart Mill. Island of Freedom.
· John Stuart Mill. The Johns Hopkins Guide to Literary Theory & Criticism.
· John Stuart Mill. The Literary Encyclopedia.
· John Stuart Mill. The Penguin Dictionary of Philosophy.
· John Stuart Mill. Spartacus Educational.
· John Stuart Mill. The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
· John Stuart Mill. Wikipedia.
· Law Reform in England. The United States Democratic Review, 1851.
· John Stuart Mill and his Residence. Anonymous. Littell's Living Age, 1868.
· John Stuart Mill. By G. M. Towle. Appleton's Journal, 1870.
· John Stuart Mill. By M. D. Conway. Harper's New Monthly Magazine, 1873.
· The Reality of Duty. Anonymous. Littell's Living Age, 1876.
· John Stuart Mill (I). By Lyell Adams. New Englander and Yale Review, 1877.
· John Stuart Mill (II). By Lyell Adams. New Englander and Yale Review, 1877.
· John Stuart Mill (III). By Lyell Adams. New Englander and Yale Review, 1877.
· John Stuart Mill and the Destruction of Theism. By President Shairp. Princeton Review, 1878.
· James and John Stuart Mill. Littell's Living Age, 1882.
· John Stuart Mill and the London and Westminster Review. By C. Marion D. Robertson Towers. The Atlantic Monthly, 1892.
· A Letter to John Stuart Mill. By Winthrop More Daniels. The Atlantic Monthly, 1900.
· John Stuart Mill. By Leslie Stephen. In The English Utilitarians. London, 1900, vol. III.
· Variations in the Editions of J. S. Mill's Principles of Political Economy. By M. A. Ellis. Economic Journal, 1906.
· Biography. By O. M. W. Sprague. The Cambridge History of English and American Literature, Cambridge, 1921.
· John Stuart Mill: Traditional and Revisionist Interpretations. By John Gray. Literature and Liberty, 1979.
· Early Buddhism and John Stuart Mill's Thinking. By Vijitha Rajapakse. Philosophy East and West, 1987.
· J. S. Mill: the Utilitarian Influence in the Demise of laissez-faire. By Ellen Frankel Paul. Journal of Libertarian Studies, 1978.
· Wallace's Campaign to Nationalize Land. By M. Gaffney. The American Journal of Economics and Sociology, October 1, 1997.
· Utility and Preferences. By Soshichi Uchii. October 25, 1998.
· The Worm at the Root of the Passions: Poetry and Sympathy in Mill's Utilitarianism. By L. A. Paul. Utilitas, 1998.
· The Carlyle-Mill "Negro Question" Debate. ca. 2000.
· Mill, Liberty, and the Facts of Life. By Shannon C. Stimson and Murray Milgate. 2001.
· Mill's "Proof" of the Principle of Utility. By Geoffrey Sayre-McCord. Social Philosophy and Policy, 2001.
· J.S. Mill and the Diversity of Utilitarianism. By Daniel Jacobson. Philosophers' Imprint, 2003.
· Mill between Aristotle & Bentham. By Martha C. Nussbaum. Daedalus, March 22, 2004.
· The Ethics of Identity. By Kwame Anthony Appiah. The New York Times, June 12, 2005.
· The Influence of Mary Bentham on John Stuart Mill. By Catherine Pease-Watkin. Journal of Bentham Studies, 2006.
· Narrative, Imagination, and the Religion of Humanity in Mill's Ethics. By Colin Heydt. Journal of the History of Philosophy, 2006.
· Mill, Bentham and 'Internal Culture'. By Colin Heydt. British Journal for the History of Philosophy, May, 2006.
· Autobiography. New Englander and Yale Review, 1874.
· Autobiography. New Englander and Yale Review, 1874.
· Autobiography. Scribner's Monthly, 1874.
· Autobiography. North American Review, 1874.
· Autobiography. Littell's Living Age, 1874.
· Autobiography and Three Essays on Religion. New Englander and Yale Review, 1875.
· Considerations on Representative Government. New Englander and Yale Review, 1862.
· Dissertations and Discussions, Vols. I-III. New Englander and Yale Review, 1866.
· Dissertations and Discussions, Vol. IV. New Englander and Yale Review, 1867.
· Dissertations and Discussions, Vol. I. North American Review, 1865.
· Dissertations and Discussions, Vol. IV. North American Review, 1868.
· Examination of Sir Hamilton's Philosophy. New Englander and Yale Review, 1865.
· Inaugural Address at the University of St. Andrew's. North American Review, 1865.
· On Liberty. North America Review, 1863.
· On Liberty. The Cambridge History of English and American Literature, Cambridge, 1921.
· The Philosophy of Auguste Comte. New Englander and Yale Review, 1866.
· Principles of Political Economy. The Prospective Review, 1848.
· Principles of Political Economy. North American Review, 1848.
· Principles of Political Economy. North American Review, 1864.
· Principles of Political Economy. DeBow's Review, 1867.
· Principles of Political Economy. New Englander and Yale Review, 1872.
· Principles of Political Economy. The Cambridge History of English and American Literature, Cambridge, 1921.
· The Subjection of Women. North American Review, 1869.
· The Subjection of Women. New Englander and Yale Review, 1869.
· A System of Logic. North American Review, 1854.
· A System of Logic. The Cambridge History of English and American Literature, Cambridge, 1921.
· Three Essays on Religion. North American Review, 1875.
· Utilitarianism. The Cambridge History of English and American Literature, Cambridge, 1921.
Volgens Rock 1951: 87 was de eerste titel 'Ghendtse Post-Tijdinghen' en zou de titel 'Gazette van Gent' pas in 1723 gevoerd worden.