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Jim Yardley in The New York Times Magazine
About the European Union: To many experts across Europe, this messy, opaque style of governance undermines the credibility of a European experiment intended to be a model of democracy.
Edited: 201512152358
International New York Times
Thaise drukker censureert INYT
Edited: 201512021623
De Thaise drukker vond het raadzaam een artikel over de collectieve depressie en de rampzalige economische in Thailand weg te laten.
Sinds de staatsgreep van 22 mei 2014 leeft het koninkrijk Thailand onder een militaire dictatuur, o.l.v. generaal Prayut Chan-o-cha (°1954).

lees meer over de schending van mensenrechten en censuur op de site van HRW


Het reisadvies van het Belgische ministerie van buitenlandse zaken luidt als volgt: "Sinds de staatsgreep van 22 mei 2014 wordt Thailand de facto bestuurd door het leger. Op grond van artikel 44 van de interim grondwet beschikt de eerste minister over ruime bevoegdheden om de openbare orde te handhaven en de vrijheid van meningsuiting en vereniging te beperken. Kritiek geven op de staatsgreep, het koningshuis of de regering is strafbaar. Blijf weg van samenscholingen en leef steeds de instructies van de lokale autoriteiten na. Het risico op geweld blijft bestaan."
New York Times
130 families
Edited: 201510051459
Uit een analyse van The New York Times bleek dat ongeveer 130 families en hun bedrijven goed waren voor meer dan de helft van het geld dat in de eerste zes maanden van 2015 door Republikeinse kandidaten werd ingezameld.
VANWING Thomas
AMBASSADEUR SILVERCRUYS EN DE BELGISCH-AMERIKAANSE RELATIES (1945-1959)Een diplomatieke rots in de Atlantische Oceaan (Masterproef 2012)
Edited: 201206008657


p. 83
Volgens Helmreich was de Amerikaanse naoorlogse diplomatieke interesse in België
gebaseerd op twee elementen: het met België gedeelde belang van Europese integratie en de
rijkdommen van Congo, voornamelijk het strategische uranium.
304 In de eerste jaren van zijn
missie in DC speelde Silvercruys nog geen prominente rol in deze kwesties. Dit wil niet
zeggen dat Congo geen aandacht kreeg op zijn ambassade, integendeel. Silvercruys maakte
zich intern immers meermaals ongerust over de antikoloniale ideologische houding in de VS
die een gevaar kon betekenen voor de Belgische soevereiniteit in Congo. Hij stelde dat de
publieke opinie slecht geïnformeerd was en dus geen evenwichtig oordeel kon vellen over de
Belgische inspanningen in de kolonie. De Amerikanen velden passionele oordelen en toonden
bitter weinig begrip.305 Deze Amerikaanse houding was hypocriet volgens de diplomaat
gezien de VS zelf gebieden onder controle had zoals de Filipijnen en het
zelfbeschikkingsrecht aan de Arabische volkeren ontzegde door plannen voor een joodse staat
te steunen.306
De diplomaat zag in dat het opportuun was voor België om zich in koloniale kwesties
te oriënteren op het VK en Frankrijk om tegengewicht te bieden aan de Amerikaanse
naoorlogse plannen om alle kolonies onder internationale voogdij te plaatsen.
307 Na
gesprekken op het Department of State temperde Silvercruys: hoewel de VS geen sympathie
kon opbrengen voor koloniale regimes, zag het wel in dat een premature onafhankelijkheid
chaos en anarchie zou teweegbrengen, ook in Congo.308 De houding van de Amerikaanse
politici was dus eerder principieel en zou niet meteen grote gevolgen hebben. Gezien deze
Amerikaanse antikoloniale houding wel wijdverspreid was, ook in de publieke opinie, was er
wel nood aan een degelijke propaganda ten voordele van de Belgische inspanningen in Afrika.
Deze verliep in de VS echter voornamelijk via het Belgian Government Information Center in
New York, onder leiding van Goris.
België probeerde eveneens Amerikaanse sympathie te winnen door onmiddellijk zijn
mandaatgebied Ruanda-Urundi over te dragen aan de Trustschapsraad van de VN. Silvercruys
informeerde zich in de loop van 1945 en 1946 meermaals bij het State Department om de
Amerikaanse plannen en intenties met deze raad in kaart te brengen.309 Toch stond de
ambassade ook in deze kwestie veeleer aan de zijlijn. Zo was de misnoegde ambassadeur
klaarblijkelijk via het Department of State, en niet door zijn eigen regering, op de hoogte
gebracht van het Belgisch ontwerpverdrag om Ruanda-Urundi over te dragen aan de raad.310
Als Silvercruys publiekelijk sprak over Congo, kaderde hij het Belgisch beleid binnen
de doelstellingen van de VN. Hij bewees steeds lippendienst aan het zelfbeschikkingsrecht en
304 HELMREICH, United States relations, 16. 305 AMBZ, 10.984bis, D6801/1 N1237-229, Silvercruys aan Spaak, 2 maart 1945. 306 AMBZ, 10.984bis, D5067 N8548-1684, Silvercruys aan Spaak, 8 oktober 1945. 307 AMBZ, 10.984bis, D8443/5 N1908-298b, Silvercruys aan Spaak, 5 april 1945. 308 AMBZ, 10.984bis, D5021 N7521-1320, Silvercruys aan Spaak, 25 oktober 1945. 309 AMBZ, 10.984bis, D8443-5 N8522-1675, Silvercruys aan Spaak, 7 oktober 1946. 310 BDS, VIII Overzeese gebieden, Silvercruys aan Spaak, 18 mei 1946, 137.
82 |
benadrukte de politieke, economische en sociale beschavingsinspanningen in de kolonie:
België beheerde zijn kolonie als een goede huisvader.311
Silvercruys ontwikkelde intussen een persoonlijke interesse voor de kolonie. In zijn
functie als ambassadeur onderhield hij contacten met de Belgische administratie in
Leopoldstad. Zo zorgde hij ervoor dat een Amerikaans militair schip Belgen repatrieerde na
de oorlog.312 De ambassadeur, ondertussen benoemd tot commissielid van het instituut voor
Congolese nationale parken, stimuleerde de Amerikaans-Congolese, en dus ook AmerikaansBelgische relaties, ook door wetenschappelijke samenwerkingsprojecten te promoten. Zo
bezocht de New York Zoological Society op zijn uitnodiging de kolonie en begeleidde de
baron een studiereis van het Instituut voor wetenschappelijk onderzoek in Centraal-Afrika.
313
In de jaren 1950 zou Silvercruys veel nauwer betrokken geraken met de kolonie.

p. 178
Voor een goed begrip van de bilaterale relaties na de Tweede Wereldoorlog, zijn de
uraniumakkoorden essentieel.672 In 1942 begonnen de Amerikanen in het kader van het
Manhattan Project een atoombom te ontwikkelen. Daarvoor hadden ze uranium nodig en dat
bevond zich in grote volumes in Belgisch Congo. Sengier, de directeur van de Union Minière
(UM) sloot in oktober 1942 een contract met de leider van het project Groves. Dat akkoord
voorzag in de verkoop van een duizendtal ton uranium reeds aanwezig in New York en een
optie op nog eens duizend ton die in de gesloten mijn van Shinkolobwe in Katanga
gestockeerd lag.
Begin 1944 zochten de Britten en Amerikanen contact met de Belgische regering in
ballingschap om hun controle te verzekeren over het kostbaar uranium dat exclusief in
Westerse handen moest blijven. De Belgen waren bereid een akkoord te sluiten gezien ze zo
een belangrijke oorlogsbijdrage zouden leveren en compensaties zouden kunnen eisen op vlak
van vreedzaam gebruik van de nucleaire technologie. In september 1944 sloten de drie
partijen een tripartiteakkoord. Sengier moest tegen een relatief goedkope prijs uranium
leveren en zijn mijn heropenen, de Belgen zouden exclusief aan de Britten en Amerikanen
leveren en in ruil zouden ze betrokken worden in het onderzoek naar het commercieel gebruik
van de grondstof. De regering slaagde erin controle te houden over de Société Générale (SG),
de moedermaatschappij van de UM, en trachtte tevens om op gelijke voet te onderhandelen
met de twee grootmachten. Deze twee kwesties zorgden wel voor wrijvingen met de
Angelsaksische partners die liever met Sengier en zonder overheidsbemoeienis een deal
wilden sluiten.673

Ondertussen had Robert Silvercruys kennis gemaakt met Rosemary Turner, de
echtgenote van senator Brien McMahon, bekend omwille van de Atomic Energy Act die de Belgisch-Amerikaanse relaties grondig beroerde. Rosemary had gestudeerd aan George Washington University in DC en was de dochter van Arthur Turner, voormalig redacteur van de New York Times en Baltimore News.
Rosemary was een goede vriendin van Roberts zus Suzanne en zo leerden beiden met mekaar kennen in 1948. Ze werden goede vrienden en ontmoetten mekaar geregeld tijdens diners op de residentie. Het is niet duidelijk of
Rosemary haar man vergezelde tijdens politieke ontmoetingen op Foxhall Road of dat het om privéaangelegenheden ging.
Wat er ook van zij, in juli 1952 overleed Brien McMahon aan kanker. Silvercruys’ collega en kennis Ockrent kende het koppel blijkbaar goed, wat wijst op het vermoeden dat de Belgen regelmatig met Brien en Rosemary McMahon in contact kwamen. Aan de ambassadeur schreef Ockrent: “Je pense beaucoup à Rosemary. Je suis persuadé que vous l’entourez de toute votre amitié et de toute votre tendresse; je sais que cela constitue pour elle
un appui précieux dans ces moments difficiles.”
Silvercruys nam dit advies van zijn vriend blijkbaar zeer ter harte. Eind augustus 1953 informeerde hij immers het ministerie dat hij met de vierentwintig jaar jongere Rosemary zou trouwen. Beiden hadden hun relatie goed geheim kunnen houden gezien de pers niet op de hoogte was. Op 21 september 1953 gaven Robert en Rosemary elkaar het ja-woord.
LT
epidemie griep 1918: bibliografie
Edited: 200310034774
Beveridge, W.I.B., "Influenza: The Last Great Plague", Prodist, 1977

Crosby, Alfred W. , "Epidemic and Peace 1918: America's Forgotten Pandemic", Cambridge University Press, 1976

Collier, Richard, "The Plague of the Spanish Lady: The Influenza Pandemic of 1918-1919", Scribner, 1974

Ewald, Paul W., "Evolution of Infectious Disease", Oxford University Press, 1994

Garrett, Laurie, "The Coming Plague: Newly Emerging Diseases in a World Out of Balance", New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1994.

Van Hartesveldt, Fred R., "The 1918-1919 Pandemic of Influenza: The Urban Experience in the Western World", Edwin Mellen Press, 1993

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/influenza/filmmore/reference/bibliography.html (20031003)

British Medical Journal

July 13, 1918 p. 39;

October 19, 1918 p. 439-40;

November 2, 1918 p. 494-96, 503;

November 16, 1918 p. 546;

November 23, 1918 p. 573;

November 30, 1918 p. 620;

December 21, 1918 p. 694



Brown, David, "It All Started in Kansas," The Washington Post Weekly Edition, March 23-30, 1992; Vol 9, No. 21



Center for Disease Control, "Influenza Prevention and Control," http://www.cdc.gov/ncidod/diseases/flu/fluvirus.htm



Collins, S. and J. Lehman, Excess Deaths from Influenza and Pneumonia and From Important Chronic Disease During Epidemic Periods 1918-1951 Public Health Monographs No. 10, 1953



Committe on the Atmospher and Man, "Causes of Geographical Variation in the Influenza Epidemic," National Research Council Bullentin, July 1923, Vol. 6 No. 34



Crawford, Richard, "The Spanish Flu," Stranger Than Fiction: Vignettes of San Diego History San Diego Historical Society, 1995; http://edweb.sdsu.edu/sdhs/stranger/flu.htm



Crosby, Alfred, America's Forgotten Pandemic: The Influenza of 1918, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989) p. 1-69



Deseret News, "On the Eve of Peace in WWI Influenza Cast Shadow of Death," http://www.desnews.com/cen/hst/01260133.htm



Grist, N R "A Letter from Camp Devens 1918," British Medical Journal, December 22-29, 1979



Henig, Robin Marantz, "Flu Pandemic: Once and Future Menace, " New York Times Magazine, November 19, 1992



Hoehling, A. A. The Great Epidemic (Boston: Little Brown and Company, 1961)



Hoagg, Jesse "The Influenza Virus Unveiled," The Experience , 1997, http://www.the-experience.com/issue2/flu.htm



Hughes, Sally Smith The Virus: A History of the Concept (New York: Heinemann Educational Books Ltd., 1977)



Knox, Richard "Deadly 1918 Flu Virus Could Reappear, Report Says," The Boston Globe March 21, 1997; Boston Globe Web Site



Journal of the American Medical Assoication :



October 5, 1918 p.1136-1137;

October 12, 1918 p. 1220;

December 7, 1918 p. 1928-9, 1935;

December 14, 1918 p. 2015;

December 21, 1918 p. 2068-73

December 28, 1918 p. 2154, 2174-5;

January 4, 1919, p. 31-34;

January 11, 1919 p. 155-59;

January 18, 1919 p. 188;

January 25, 1919 p. 268;

March 1, 1919 p. 640;

April 12, 1919 p. 1056-58;

New York State Department of Health, "A Special Report on the Mortality from Influenza in New York State During the Epidemic of 1918-19," 1923

Starr, Isaac, "Influenza in 1918: Recollections of the Epidemic in Philedelphia," Annals of Internal Medicine, 1976, 85: 516-18

Taubenberger, Jeffery et al., "Initial Genetic Characterization of the 1918 "Spanish" Influenza Virus," Science 1997, 275: 1793-96

Tice, D.J. "Flu Deaths Rivaled, Ran Alongside World War I," Pioneer Planet March 10, 1997

United States. Census Bureau," Special tables of mortality from influenza and pneumonial in Indiana, Kansas, and Philidelphia, Pa., September 1 to December 1,1918," 1920.

http://www.stanford.edu/group/virus/uda/flubib.html (20031003)

zie ook:

GOOYER A.C. DE De Spaanse griep van '18, Philips Duphar, 1968, 125 pag., ingen., ills, 24x20, conditie goed. (Antiqbook)

PROUVOST, EDOUARD. Remarques cliniques et thérapeutiques sur l'épidémie de grippe de 1918, Paris, Jouve & Cie, Éditeurs, 1919 8vo - over 7¾" - 9¾" tall, Broché (Softcover) Fine/No Jacket. 64 pp., (Antiqbook)

SOUCHAY, LOUIS. L'épidémie de grippe dans une ville de garnison de l'est en 1918-1919. Le Vésinet, 1919, broché, In-8, 76 pp. L'auteur de cette thèse est né au Vésinet. (Antiqbook)

BARBIER, MADAME. La Grippe De 1918-1919 Dans Un Service De l'Hôpital Saint-Antoine. 70 pp. madame Barbier est née marguerite Jacob.Broché,. Paris. 1919. Good. In-8,.. . (Antiqbook)

LIMANOWSKI, STANISLAS. Contribution à l'étude de l'épidémie de grippe de 1918-1919. Paris Vigot Frères, Editeurs 1920 8vo - over 7¾" - 9¾" tall, Broché (Softcover) Fine/No Jacket. 62 pp., d'après les observations prises dans un service de l'Hôpital de la Pitié, (Antiqbook)

LE BOURHIS, JOSEPH-MARIE. L'épidémie de grippe 1918-1919. Bordeaux, Y. Cadoret, 1919 8vo - over 7¾" - 9¾" tall, Broché (Softcover) Fine/No Jacket. 44 pp., 5 tableaux, l'auteur est né à Pédernec dans les Côtes-du-Nord, de quelques particuliarités de l'épidémie de grippe 1918-1919 dans ses rapports avec la puerpéralité. (Antiqbook)



KOLATA, GINA. Flu: The Story of the Great Influenza Pandemic of 1918 and the Search for the Virus that Caused It. New York, Farrar, Straus & Giroux, [2000], 2nd printing. , 330p., illus. Signed by the author . Very good condition in good d.j.. November 20, 2001 (Antiqbook)

KOLATA,GINA. Griep. Het verhaal van de grote influenza epidemie van 1918 en de zoektocht naar het dodelijke virus. Vertaling H.Moerdijk. Amst., De Bezige Bij, 2000. 410 pp. Paperback. Als nieuw. * 550 gr. [38135] (Antiqbook)

COLLIER, RICHARD The Plague of the Spanish Lady, The Influenza Pandemic of 1918-1919. London, United Kingdom, Macmillan London Ltd. 1974. (ISBN: 333138643) Hard Cover with dust jacket. 8vo - over 7¾" - 9¾" tall, Includes 8 illustrations. An interesting account of the outbreak of flu that began in Spain and spread accross Europe killing millions in little more than a year. Scuffs to corners of DJ, DJ a little slack. A photograph of this book available on request. Very Good/Good. (Antiqbook)

STUBER, EMIL: Über Influenza-Epidemie 1918/19 nach Beobachtungen auf der medizinischen Universitätsklinik in Zürich. Diss. 'Aus der medizinischen Universitästklinik in Zürich'.

Schöpfheim, 1918/19, kl. in-8°, 1 Bl. (Titel) + 33 S., Hlwd. (Bibl.). (Antiqbook)
RORTY Richard
Achieving Our Country - Leftist Thought in Twentieth-Century America
Edited: 199908270286

Must the sins of America's past poison its hope for the future? Lately the American Left, withdrawing into the ivied halls of academe to rue the nation's shame, has answered yes in both word and deed. In Achieving Our Country, one of America's foremost philosophers challenges this lost generation of the Left to understand the role it might play in the great tradition of democratic intellectual labor that started with writers like Walt Whitman and John Dewey. How have national pride and American patriotism come to seem an endorsement of atrocities--from slavery to the slaughter of Native Americans, from the rape of ancient forests to the Vietnam War? Achieving Our Country traces the sources of this debilitating mentality of shame in the Left, as well as the harm it does to its proponents and to the country. At the center of this history is the conflict between the Old Left and the New that arose during the Vietnam War era. Richard Rorty describes how the paradoxical victory of the antiwar movement, ushering in the Nixon years, encouraged a disillusioned generation of intellectuals to pursue High Theory at the expense of considering the place of ideas in our common life. In this turn to theory, Rorty sees a retreat from the secularism and pragmatism championed by Dewey and Whitman, and he decries the tendency of the heirs of the New Left to theorize about the United States from a distance instead of participating in the civic work of shaping our national future. In the absence of a vibrant, active Left, the views of intellectuals on the American Right have come to dominate the public sphere. This galvanizing book, adapted from Rorty's Massey Lectures of 1997, takes the first step toward redressing the imbalance in American cultural life by rallying those on the Left to the civic engagement and inspiration needed for achieving our country.
REVIEWS
Richard Rorty [is] John Dewey's ablest intellectual heir and one of the most influential philosophers alive...In lively prose, [Achieving Our Country] offers a pointed and necessary reminder that left academics have too often been content to talk to each other about the theory of hegemony while the right has been busy with the practice of it. If those criticized in the book dismiss it the way they brush aside the Blooms and D'Souzas of the world, an opportunity will be lost. Rorty invites a serious conversation about the purposes of intellectual work and the direction of left politics. I wouldn't want him to have the last word, but the conversation should be joined. If it is conducted with the verve of Achieving Our Country, and if it shares Rorty's genuine commitment to revitalizing the left as a national force, it will be a very good thing. The Nation There is much to be debated, much that will probably infuriate, in Rorty's picture of contemporary Left intellectuals... Achieving Our Country is meant to be pointedly polemical, and Rorty...[has] succeeded at stirring up emotions as well as thoughts. -- Vincent J. Bertolini American Literature In his philosophically rigorous new book, Achieving Our Country, Richard Rorty raises a provocative if familiar question: Whatever happened to national pride in this country?...[and] he offers a persuasive analysis of why such pride has been lost. -- Christopher Lehmann-Haupt New York Times Achieving Our Country is an appeal to American intellectuals to abandon the intransigent cynicism of the academic, cultural left and to return to the political ambitions of Emerson, Dewey, Herbert Croly and their allies. What Rorty has written--as deftly, amusingly and cleverly as he always writes--is a lay sermon for the untheological...[Americans] do not need to know what God wants but what we are capable of wanting and doing...[Rorty argues] that we would do better to try to improve the world than lament its fallen condition. On that he will carry with him a good many readers. -- Alan Ryan New York Times Book Review [In this] slim, elegantly written book...Rorty scolds other radical academics for abandoning pride in the nation's democratic promise; in their obsession with 'victim studies,' he argues, they have neglected to inspire the 'shared social hope' that motivated every mass movement against injustice from the abolitionists to the voting rights campaign. -- Michael Kazin Washington Post Book World The heart of Achieving Our Country is Professor Rorty's critique of the cultural left. Barricaded in the university, this left has isolated itself, he asserts, from the bread-and-butter issues of economic equality and security and the practical political struggles that once occupied the reform tradition...Controversies are seeded like land mines in every paragraph of this short book. -- Peter Steinfels New York Times Mr. Rorty calls for a left which dreams of achieving America, a patriotic left he recognises from the days of the New Deal and which he remembers from the early 1960s when, for example, people campaigned for civil-rights laws to make their country better. Where, he wonders, has such reformist pride gone? In place of Marxist scholasticism , Mr. Rorty wants a left which makes reducing inequalities part of a civic religion . Yet material differences are not the only sort of thing that bothers Mr. Rorty about the contemporary United States. On a communitarian note, he argues that the civic religion he advocates should include commitment to shared values that rise above ethnic or minority loyalties. The Economist Richard Rorty's Achieving Our Country is short, comprehensible and urges a civic and political agenda--the re-engagement of the Left...Rorty seeks to revive the vision of Walt Whitman and John Dewey, and what he sees as the real American Dream--a compassionate society held together by nothing more absolute than consensus and the belief that humane legal and economic agreements stand at the centre of democratic civilisation. -- Brian Eno The Guardian, Featured in the Books of the Year issue for 1998 A succinct, stimulating, crisply written book...Rorty proposes a return to the liberal values that animated American reform movements for the first two-thirds of this century: from the long struggle of labor unions to obtain better conditions for workers, to the efforts of leaders like Woodrow Wilson, Theodore and Franklin Roosevelt, John Kennedy, and Lyndon Johnson to redistribute the nation's wealth more equitably...Although Rorty is an academic philosopher, in this book, addressed to the general reader, he employs clear, vigorous language that makes reading a pleasure rather than a chore. -- Merle Rubin Christian Science Monitor Rorty made us realise how much poorer we are if Jefferson, Emerson, Whitman, Thoreau, Stowe, Peirce, William James, Santayana and Dewey are not familiar landmarks in our intellectual scenery...If we [scoff] at Rorty's patriotic American leftism, we may find that it sets off some doubts that will come back to haunt us. When we quibble over his interpretations of our favourite thinkers, are we not confirming his stereotype of left pedantry? When we sniff at him for keeping company with rightists and renegades, do we not bear out his idea of a Left that is keener on its own purity than on fighting for the poor? As we look down our noses at the etiolation of socialism in America, should we not reckon the costs and benefits of European mass movements, and reflect on the political history of the anti-Americanism that comes to us so easily? Before leftist subjects of Her Majesty get snooty about American democracy, we might stop and wonder whose interests are served by our unshakable optimism about the past. The unguarded naiveties of Achieving Our Country are not quite as negligent as they look, and the book may well turn out to be one of the first signs of a long-delayed breaking of the ice in socialist politics following the end of the Cold War. The fact that Rorty's old-style American leftism is closer to British New Labour than to good old socialism may prove not that he is confused, but that it is time to reset our political chronometers. -- Jonathan Ree London Review of Books Achieving Our Country criticizes academic theorists and reminds us that left-wing reformers in previous periods of American history either made their careers outside the university or, at least, developed strong links with the decidedly non-academic labor movement...Rorty's distinction between a 'cultural Left' and a reformist Left is useful. As Freud replaced Marx in the imagination of academic theorists, Rorty explains, a cultural left--one that thinks more about stigma than about money, more about deep and hidden psychosexual motivations than about shallow and evident greed --came into being. -- Alan Wolfe The Chronicle of Higher Education Richard Rorty is considered by many to be America's greatest living philosopher. That assessment is firmly supported in this short, profound, and lucid volume. In Achieving Our Country, Rorty does what many of us think philosophers ought to do, namely, lay a foundation and establish a framework within which we as individuals and as a society can conceptualize and fashion operational theories by which to live and prosper together...I can think of no more important book that I have read in recent years or one that I could more fervently recommend to the readers of this journal that Rorty's Achieving Our Country. -- Thomas R. DeGregori Journal of Economic Issues For many years now, Rorty has been one of the most important American pragmatists, defending the experimental modes of inquiry first propounded by John Dewey from both traditionalists and postmodernists...In Achieving Our Country, a brief but eloquent book, Rorty begs his academic colleagues to return to the real world. I am nostalgic for the days, he writes, 'when leftist professors concerned themselves with issues in real politics (such as the availability of health care to the poor and the need for strong labor unions) rather than with academic politics. -- Jefferson Decker In These Times Rorty offers a resolute defense of pragmatic and reformist politics, coupled with a sophisticated rereading of the history of 20th-century American leftist thought. The result is a book that ends up reaffirming the great achievements of American left liberalism--strong unions, Social Security, and the principled regulation of corporate power--even as it illuminates the ways in which the cultural myopia of today's academic left has placed those achievements in jeopardy...In his insistence that there is a great American tradition of leftist reform, and that this rendition can be reinvigorated only by a return to the idea of the nation, Rorty has constructed as humane and as hopeful a defense of patriotism as one can imagine. -- James Surowiecki Boston Phoenix Rorty's new book urges a return to American liberalism's days of hope, pride, and struggle within the system...Subtle without being dense, good-natured in its defiance of a whole spectrum of conventional wisdoms, Achieving Our Country is a rare book. It should be compulsory reading--if that weren't contrary to all it stands for. -- Richard Lamb The Reader's Catalog A deeply considered diagnosis, a vital set of prophecies. Publishers Weekly Richard Rorty is remarkable not just for being a gadfly to analytical philosophers, but for his immense reading, his lively prose and his obvious moral engagement with the issues...The conversation of philosophy would be much poorer without him...Achieving Our Country is a valuable addition to Rorty's writings...He has things to say that are important and timely...They are said powerfully. -- Hilary Putnam Times Literary Supplement It is refreshing to find so hard-hitting a portrait of the contemporary academic Left in the work of one of its own. -- Peter Berkowitz Commentary Richard Rorty is an inspirational writer who makes a valiant effort in this book to create an atmosphere of cooperation among those he characterizes as he Reformist Left. He wants us to return to the ideals of John Dewey and Walt Whitman and achieve the greatness that is possible in a country of our wealth and dominance. -- Edward J. Bander Bimonthly Review of Law Books A bracing tonic against the jejune profundities and the self-centered talking points by the far Right that find their way into the media. In sharply etched arguments Rorty weaves in philosophical and historical perspectives...His message isn't one of resignation, rather of hope grounded in the Left's potential for reinventing itself. He thinks it's time for the Left to stop demonizing capitalist America and to develop once again a political program of its own. -- Terry Doran Buffalo News On behalf of countless readers whose reaction to most left academic writing over the past two decades has increasingly been not so much either agreement or disagreement as an overpowering sense of So what?, the eminent philosopher Richard Rorty has composed a marvelous philippic against the entrenched irrelevance of much of the American left...Rorty's most important insight is into the political worldview of the academic left: that it is essentially nonpolitical...He offers a withering comparison of the core beliefs of the current cultural left with those of one of its forebears, Walt Whitman. -- Harold Meyerson Dissent Achieving our country (the phrase is culled from James Baldwin's The Fire Next Time) isn't just a redeemable aim, it's what good radical politics has always been about. -- Gideon Calder Radical Philosophy Politically progressive academics should consider carefully Rorty's arguments...They pose important questions about American politics and public intellectual practice. -- Harvey Kaye Times Higher Educational Supplement
BLEIER Ronald, [DAVID Ron]
The following book review of Ron David's Arabs and Israel for Beginners was published (with minor changes) in Middle East Policy, Volume III, 1994, Number 3, pp. 170-173.
Edited: 199409001014
ARABS AND ISRAEL FOR BEGINNERS, review by Ronald Bleier

ARABS & ISRAEL FOR BEGINNERS, by Ron David
Illustrated by Susan David
Writers and Readers Publishing, Inc.
New York, 1993. 210 pp.
Ron David begins Arabs and Israel for Beginners by explaining that he wants to let the reader know "where his book is heading. That way, if you consider it despicable, you can leave it in the bookstore." David's embattled stance is understandable because his book challenges the popular, pro-Israeli version of the Israeli-Arab conflict. In his view, the Palestinian Arabs, who had populated Palestine for many generations before the Jewish settlers began to arrive in the tens of thousands in the late nineteenth century, were robbed of their country by the successful Zionist effort to create a Jewish state there. Ron David's book is an attempt to tell the "real" story of the struggle for Palestine stripped of Zionist mythology which misrepresents the essential elements of how the Pales tinians lost their land.
In his review of the history of the Middle East, the author reminds us that the name "Israel" comes from Genesis in the Old Testament when Jacob changed his name to Israel after fighting with an angel and that from Jacob's twelve sons came the twelve tribes of Israel. He explains that the name Canaan, meaning "land of purple" came from the precious purple dyes that were traded in the Mediterrane an coastal plain. The author suggests an explanation for the biblical story that the Jews spent forty years in the desert after escaping from Egypt. When Moses sent spies out to the land of Canaan "their report was discouraging: 'It's full of people.'" So the Jews waited in the desert until they were strong enough militarily to conquer the native inhabitants.

The author presents a useful "Summary of Jewish Countries in the Middle East" detailing the Jewish Kingdoms from 1020 BC to 586 BC. By 6 A.D., however, the author writes, the Romans made Judah a Rom an province and although "there were a couple last gasps of Jewish revolt -- Masada and Bar Kokhba ... the Jews and the ancient Middle East had had enough of each other."

Perhaps for reasons of space -- or perhaps such a task is too complicated for the purposes of this book -- Ron David decided not to provide a similar chart of Jewish habitation in the Middle East after the fall of the Jewish kingdoms and the fall of the second temple in 70 A.D. Such a chart might have been useful if only in order to give the reader a better idea of the strength of present Jewish claims to the area.

Ron David makes a point of covering Islam in some depth. The well established Arab / Bedouin code of virtue, the muruwwah, is explained. We learn that Muhammad's inspiration came from his understanding that the wealthy and powerful merchant class were ignoring their duty to the poor, an essential tenet of the muruwwah. Perhaps because of Islam's dramatic appeal to the masses, barely a century a fter the death of Mohammad in 632, "Muslims controlled an empire that stretched from Spain to the borders of China and the Arabs were entering a Golden Age."

Some of the examples of the flowering of Arab civilization in literature, psychology, science, medicine and mathematics are detailed. It is also emphasized that Islam (which means surrender to God) nurtured and was nurtured by the cultures it embraced, especially Jewish culture. "Teaching the knowledge-hungry Muslims got the Jewish scholars' creative juices flowing. The result was a Jewish Golden Age, especially in Spain, during which doctors, poets, and scholars combined secular and religious knowledge in a way that has never been achieved since."

As Ron David tells it, the Crusades (1096 - 1270) and then the Mongol invasions (1218 - 1258) brought an end to the zenith of Arab culture. After 200 years of fighting "in their own backyards, the Arabs were all used up." At the same time, the author emphasizes the irony that "the knowledge that [the Crusaders] got from the Arabs helped them break out of the brain - dead Middle Ages into the Renaissance ..."

A crucial section of the book is devoted to the events leading up to the emergence of the State of Israel in 1948. This momentous event, a huge victory for world Jewry, is at the same time for Palestinians, al-Nakbah, the catastrophe.

THE OTTOMAN LAND CODE

The new Ottoman land code of 1850 over time led to the removal of the Palestinian peasants from their land. Previously Palestinian peasants could live on and cultivate their land and pass it on to their heirs. The new land law changed that and as a result, through land purchases, often from absentee Arab landlords in Beirut, Jewish settlers began to move Palestinian peasants off the land that they had farmed for generations.
Note Lucas Tessens (201602020): This is a difficult matter in Ron David's exposé but it is key and needs more attention than it gets: If the Jews really bought the land, the Arabs no longer owned it in a legal sense. If the French buy half of Belgium they become the legal owners. In my view it is the inequality in purchasing power that leads to desinheritance of the land and the expulsion of their former tenants/farmers. Refusing to accept this process is in fact rejecting the whole capitalist system. Or should land be excluded from the list of goods that can be bought? If the answer is 'YES' then you are in a new system.


The expulsion of Palestinian farmers by the Jewish settlers frequently led to confrontations between the two sides as early as the last decade of the 19th century. The fierce rioting of 1929 in which there were hundreds of casualties on both sides resulted in a new British policy statement in late 1930 which was meant to restrict Jewish immigration and land purchases. If the new policy had held for the long term, the Palestinians might not have lost their country. However, in only a few months, the Zionists in England were powerful enough to cause the British Prime Minister, Ramsay MacDonald, to rescind the new policy statement and revert back to the pro-Jewish policies of the Balfour Declaration (1917) which stated that the British government would "view with favor the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people ... "

The advent of Hitler in 1933 and the pro-Jewish immigration policies of the British led to the Arab revolt of 1936 - 1939. Afterwards, when the British tried to redress the balance in favor of the Arabs it became the turn of the Jews to rebel and their successful terrorist actions played a key role in forcing the British to give up their mandate in Palestine in favor of the U.N.

THE U.N. PARTITION RESOLUTION

The U.N. Partition Resolution of November 29, 1947, recommended the division of Palestine into a Jewish state and an Arab state. While the Jews hailed it as a major breakthrough, the Arabs rejected it because it gave much of what was theirs to the Jews. The Jewish community in Palestine which at that time made up about a third of the population and held less than 7% of the land, were "given" more than 50% of the area of Palestine, including prime Arab farmland in the Galilee and on the Mediterranean coast and elsewhere. Equally important, the U.N. scheme placed hundreds of thousands of Palestinian Arabs in areas that were to be controlled by the Jews. This would mean that there would be about 500,000 Arabs in a state of about 650,000 Jews -- a plan that both sides, in effect, rejected.
It is widely believed that the war between the Arabs and the Jews began with the Arab invasion on May 15, 1948, immediately after the Jews declared their state. In reality, the war actually began after the U.N. Partition Resolution, in December 1947. In this communal war the much better organized and equipped Jews captured the areas that the British were evacuating. As Israeli historian Simha F lapan writes, so successful were the Jewish forces that by the beginning of May 1948, they held most of the territory that was designated for their state by the U.N. Resolution.

The success of the Jewish campaign against the Palestinian forces may be gauged by the 300,000 Arab refugees who were forced to flee their homeland before the middle of May 1948. The situation was such an international scandal -- comparable to the ethnic cleansing in the former Yugoslavia -- that the U.S. and other countries actually entertained plans to substitute a trusteeship for Palestine rather than allow the U.N. Partition Resolution to stand. In the event, the Truman administration, with its eye on the Jewish lobby at home, withdrew its objections and was quick to recognize the new Jewish state.

When the Jewish leaders declared their new state on May 14, 1948, there were still about 400,000 Palestinians in areas that became Israel. Ben Gurion's government decided to risk war because they wished to increase their territorial gains and to cleanse the area of more Palestinians. Viewed in the light of Jewish military victories, the Arab invasion of May 15, becomes not, as pictured by the Zionists, an attempt by implacable enemy forces to drive the Jews into the sea, but rather, in large part, a pan-Arab effort to stave off further Jewish gains in Palestine and to stem the flow of even more Palestinian refugees.

Moreover, in Zionist mythology, no credit is given to Jordan, Lebanon, Syria and Egypt for sheltering and sustaining the hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees. Indeed Zionists frequently say that the Arab countries created and maintained the Palestinian refugee problem as a way of scoring propaganda points against Israel. It turns out that the opposite is the case. In Michael Palumbo's The Palestinian Catastrophe: The 1948 Expulsion of a People From Their Homeland (1987), evidence is presented which indicates that Ben-Gurion flatly rejected proposals by the U.S. and Syria to permanently resettle hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees. Palumbo thinks that Ben-Gurion's motivation was the idea that "as long as the refugee problem remained unsolved there would be tensions in the region which could eventually be used to ignite a new war of conquest."

Palumbo points to the territory that Israel conquered in 1967 in Palestine, Jordan, and Syria as evidence of Israel's expansionist program. Ron David's section on Lebanon provides more support to Palumbo's thesis as well as it adds perspective on Israel's control of its self-designated "security zone" in Southern Lebanon which it has held illegally since 1982. Ron David cites evidence from the diaries of Moshe Sharett, Israel's second Prime Minister, that as early as the 1950s, Israel was planning to destabilize Lebanon by pitting the Moslem community against the Lebanese Christians. The idea was to create a puppet state there so that Israel could control the land and water resources in the south.

In view of Zionist responsibility for the carnage and instability in the Middle East for much of this century, it's understandable that Ron David should raise the question at the end of his book of the billions of dollars in aid that the U.S. gives Israel every year. The author quotes an article by Jeffrey Blankfort in Lies of Our Times, pointing out how secretive our own media is on the issue of U.S. aid to Israel. "February 1989," Blankfort writes, "was the last time the New York Times ran a story describing Congress' role in approving aid to Israel." In a wonderful quote, Ron David writes, "I would rather flush that money down the toilet than give it to Israel.... At least when you flush money down the toilet, it doesn't hurt anybody."

Arabs and Israel for Beginners, one of a series of "documentary comic books," with its format of illustrations on every page, is easy to read and is highly recommended for those interested in a controversial and more objective point of view. Unfortunately, it is marred by a score or more of typos, frequent use of street language, and some mistakes: the 35,000 Arabs that Ron David says were expelled in the '56 war is silently corrected two pages later to 3,000 to 5,000; and "Eretz Yisrael" means not only, as Ron David has it, the biblical land of Israel but also the modern state of Israel . However, these lapses are a small price to pay for an extremely important book which challenges old assumptions on an issue that may be with us for generations despite the promise of the Oslo Accords.
NYT
EDWARD CRANKSHAW IS DEAD AT 75; AUTHOR ON SOVIET AND HAPSBURGS
Edited: 198412041025
EDWARD CRANKSHAW IS DEAD AT 75
By WOLFGANG SAXON
Published: December 4, 1984

Edward Crankshaw, one of the most respected authors on the Soviet Union and chronicler of the Hapsburgs, died last Thursday in his native Britain after what was described as a ''long and painful illness.'' He was 75 years old and lived in Hawkhurst, in rural Kent.

His death was reported Sunday in The Observer, the British weekly for which he kept watch on the Soviet scene starting in 1947. Mr. Crankshaw, who spurned the label of ''Kremlinologist,'' was regarded as Britain's premier journalistic expert on Soviet politics.

The author of about 20 books, including three novels, Mr. Crankshaw contribued a steady flow of prefaces, essays and articles to publications in Britain and the United States, including The New York Times. In addition, he commented on Soviet affairs for the BBC.

Difficult to place politically, Mr. Crankshaw reluctantly became a Soviet specialist when The Observer asked him to take the assignment after World War II, part of which he had spent in Moscow. One of the conclusions he had reached was that Kremlin policies must be seen as something that did not start with the Bolshevik takeover in 1917, but had ancient roots. He Avoided Speculation

Thus, Mr. Crankshaw avoided speculations about absences from the Kremlin wall at anniversary parades. Instead, his basic impressions had been formed when the Russians were fighting for survival, and he took heart from Stalin's evocations of historical ''Holy Russia.''

His political testament came in a preface written this year to a selection from his writings, ''Putting Up With the Russians.''

As a conservative dedicated to the survival of European civilization, he rejected the harsh tones adopted by President Reagan and his supporters, accusing them of trying to turn the Soviet Union into a pariah. Mr. Crankshaw viewed detente with some skepticism, but he insisted on the need for co- existence.

He was the author of ''Russia Without Stalin'' in 1956, regarding the changes in everyday life in the post- Stalin era. He also wrote ''Khrushchev's Russia'' (1960) and ''Khrushchev: A Career,'' published six years later.

He then wrote the introduction for ''Khrushchev Remembers,'' a rich compilation of comments, speeches, conversations and interviews by Nikita I. Khruschev, the Kremlin leader who denounced the Stalinist terror. 'Khrushchev Himself'

Mr. Crankshaw, who also contributed copious footnotes and commentary to the Khrushchev book, helped defend the book against doubters. He said that by ''style and content'' the words were ''Khrushchev himself, quite unmistakably speaking.'' His faith in the book's authenticity has come to be shared by most others since its publication in 1970.

Though ailing for many years, Mr. Crankshaw, a slight and courtly man, continued to write even in bed whenever he was unable to move about.

His last volume published in this country was ''Bismarck'' in 1982. Writing in The New York Times Book Review, George L. Mosse called the book ''a cautionary tale about political and military power'' that sees Bismarck's ''apparent success as a failure because the Iron Chancellor exalted the amoral concept of politics into a principle.''

Edward Crankshaw was born on Jan. 3, 1909, in rural Essex. As a boy, he often visited the London magistrate's court where his father, Arthur, worked as chief clerk. He attended Bishop's Stortford College but left early - hence his claim to having been largely self- taught.

Instead, Mr. Crankshaw went to the Continent to travel, and he lived in Vienna, becoming fluent in German. His Austrian years turned out to be formative ones for his mind as he watched democracy crumble in the new Austrian republic. They also instilled him with a passion for literature and music.

From Europe, he wrote for British publications subjects ranging from twelve-tone music to books, art and the theater. But he gave up journalism to write ''Joseph Conrad: Some Aspects of the Art of the Novel,'' a study of Conrad's methods and the novelist's art in general. Another book, ''Vienna: The Image of a Culture in Decline,'' appeared in 1938. Posted to Moscow in '41

In 1936, Mr. Crankshaw was commissioned into Britain's Territorial Army. In 1941, he was posted to Moscow as an intelligence officer, and he did all he could to understand the Russians, their history, national character and government.

Having also traveled on the periphery of the Soviet Union, he was asked by The Observer to return to journalism as its Russian expert. His early books on the subject were ''Britain and Russia'' (1945), ''Russia and the Russians'' (1947) and ''Russia by Daylight'' (1951).

A well-received history was The Shadow of the Winter Palace: The Drift to Revolution, 1825-1917 which appeared in 1976. Other well-received books were ''The Fall of the House of Hapsburg'' (1963) and ''The Hapsburgs'' (1971).

Of Mr. Crankshaw's ''Maria Theresa'' (1969), Thomas Lask wrote in his review in The New York Times, ''Mr. Crankshaw has managed in what is a model of compression and judicious selection to rescue Maria Theresa from the history books and to turn a monument into a warm and appealing woman.''

Mr. Crankshaw is survived by his wife, the former Clare Chesterton Carr.
LT
24 februari 1956: 20ste Congres: speech Croetsjev tegen bewind Stalin en diens misdaden
Edited: 195602245678
Rapport de Khrouchtchev au XXe Congrès
Dans la nuit du 24 au 25 février 1956, Nikita Khrouchtchev donne lecture d'un rapport sur les crimes de Staline au XXe Congrès du Parti communiste d'URSS.
Le 16 mars, le New York Times en livre des extraits. Le rapport est publié in extenso quelques semaines plus tard.
Trois ans après la mort de Staline, les communistes du monde entier ouvrent les yeux sur la réalité sanglante du régime.
Le rapport du Premier secrétaire du Parti communiste d'URSS aura des effets détonants.
Il va nourrir l'idée que Staline aurait dévoyé l'utopie généreuse du marxisme-léninisme.
Les peuples de Pologne et de Hongrie vont réclamer la liberté. Mais les chars soviétiques entreront à Budapest et écraseront la révolte dans le sang.
Mao Tsé-toung, le leader de la Chine populaire, s'inquiète de la brèche ouverte dans l'idéologie marxiste-léniniste. Il va se faire le défenseur de l'orthodoxie. Il va s'approprier la mémoire de Staline et prendra ses distances avec l'URSS de Nikita Khrouchtchev.
Les deux Grands du monde communiste seront bientôt au bord de la guerre et ne vont plus cesser de se quereller.

http://www.herodote.net/histoire02240.htm (20030624)
NN
21 september 1953: baron Robert Silvercruys, ambassadeur van België in de USA huwt Rosemary Turner McMahon, een beeldschone weduwe
Edited: 195309211584
Ondertussen had Robert Silvercruys kennis gemaakt met Rosemary Turner (1917-1986), sinds 1940 de echtgenote van senator Brien McMahon (1903-1952), bekend omwille van de Atomic Energy Act die de Belgisch-Amerikaanse relaties grondig beroerde. Rosemary had gestudeerd aan George Washington University in DC en was de dochter van Arthur Turner, voormalig redacteur van de New York Times en Baltimore News. McMahon en Turner hadden één kind, Patricia.
Rosemary was een goede vriendin van Roberts zus Suzanne en zo leerden beiden met mekaar kennen in 1948. Ze werden goede vrienden en ontmoetten mekaar geregeld tijdens diners op de residentie. Het is niet duidelijk of Rosemary haar man vergezelde tijdens politieke ontmoetingen op Foxhall Road of dat het om privéaangelegenheden ging.
Wat er ook van zij, in juli 1952 overleed Brien McMahon aan kanker. Silvercruys’ collega en kennis Ockrent kende het koppel blijkbaar goed, wat wijst op het vermoeden dat de Belgen regelmatig met Brien en Rosemary McMahon in contact kwamen. Aan de ambassadeur schreef Ockrent: “Je pense beaucoup à Rosemary. Je suis persuadé que vous l’entourez de toute votre amitié et de toute votre tendresse; je sais que cela constitue pour elle un appui précieux dans ces moments difficiles.”
Silvercruys nam dit advies van zijn vriend blijkbaar zeer ter harte. Eind augustus 1953 informeerde hij immers het ministerie dat hij met de vierentwintig jaar jongere Rosemary zou trouwen. Beiden hadden hun relatie goed geheim kunnen houden gezien de pers niet op de hoogte was. Op 21 september 1953 gaven Robert en Rosemary elkaar het ja-woord.
LT
MILL John Stuart (1806-1873): politieke economie, vrijheid en gezag
Edited: 180605204545
John Stuart Mill (20 mei 1806 – 8 mei 1873) was een Engels filosoof en econoom, en de meest invloedrijke vrije denker van de 19e eeuw. Hij was een voorstander van het utilitarisme, de ethische theorie die voorgesteld werd door zijn peetvader Jeremy Bentham.

John Stuart Mill werd geboren in zijn vaders huis in Pentonville, Londen, als de oudste zoon van James Mill. Hij kreeg zijn onderwijs van zijn vader, met advies en assistentie van Jeremy Bentham en Francis Place. Hij kreeg een strenge opvoeding en werd nadrukkelijk afgeschermd van andere jongens van zijn leeftijd. Zijn vader, een navolger van Bentham, had als zijn specifieke doel om een genieus intellect te creëren dat de doelen en uitvoering van het utilisme zou doen verder leven na de dood van Bentham en hemzelf.

Tegen de tijd dat hij drie was kon hij het Griekse alfabet opnoemen, en toen hij acht werd had hij Aesopus' 'Fabels' gelezen en wist hij van Plato. In 1818 begon hij aan een studie logica en het jaar erop kreeg hij te maken met politieke economie.

Hij publiceerde zijn eerste belangrijke boek in 1842, The system of logic. Een van de belangrijkste theorieën is het beginsel van causaliteit – Als A altijd door B wordt gevolgd, kan worden verondersteld dat dit in de toekomst ook altijd zo zal zijn.

In 1869 publiceerde hij Subjection of Women, waarin hij de vrouwenrechten verdedigde. Hij was dan al vier jaar parlementslid waar hij eveneens ijverde voor het vrouwenkiesrecht en de vooruitstrevende liberalen steunde. Zijn vrouw Henriëtte, die in 1858 stierf, zou het boek geschreven hebben, maar op haar naam mocht het niet worden uitgegeven. Tot op de dag van vandaag staat het boek officieel op naam van John Stuart Mill.

http://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Stuart_Mill (20070226)

Writings by John Stuart Mill

[books / book excerpts]

· The Logic of the Moral Sciences. Excerpted from A System of Logic. London, 1843, 8th ed. 1872. [French translation]

· Essays on Some Unsettled Questions of Political Economy. London, 1844.

· Principles of Political Economy. London, 1848, 7th ed. 1871.

· On Liberty. London, 1859. [French translation]

· Dissertations and Discussions. London, 1859, 4th ed. 1882.

· Considerations on Representative Government. London, 1861.

· Utilitarianism. London, 1863. Reprinted from Fraser's Magazine, 1861. [French translation]

· Auguste Comte and Positivism. London, 1865. Reprinted from Westminster Review, 1865. [French translation]

· An Examination of Sir Hamilton's Philosophy. London, 1865.

· The Subjection of Women. London, 1869. [French translation] [Spanish translation]

· Autobiography. London, 1873. [French translation]

· Three Essays on Religion [Nature + Utility of Religion + Theism]. London, 1874.

· Chapters on Socialism. Fortnightly Review, 1879.

[articles]

· Free Discussion (1). Morning Chronicle, 1823.

· Free Discussion (2). Morning Chronicle, 1823.

· Free Discussion (3). Morning Chronicle, 1823.

· A Defense of Bentham. Excerpted from 'Whewell on Moral Philosophy'. Westminster Review, 1836.

· Note on N. W. Senior's Political Economy. In Senior's Outline of the Science of Political Economy, London, 1836.

· The Negro Question. Fraser's Magazine, 1850.

· Bentham. 1838, 2nd ed. 1859.

· The Contest in America. Fraser's Magazine, 1862.

· Inaugural Address. Delivered to the University of St. Andrews, 1867.

· Meetings in Royal Parks. Delivered in Parliament, 1867.

· Speech in Favour of Capital Punishment. Delivered in Parliament, 1868.

· Thornton on Labour and its Claims. Fortnightly Review, 1869.

· Theism. In Three Essays on Religion, London, 1874.

· Nature. In Three Essays on Religion, London, 1874.

· Utility of Religion. In Three Essays on Religion, London, 1874.

[letters]

· To James Mill. April 25, 1821.

· To ? March 18, 1840.

· To Gustave D'Eichthal. January 10, 1842.

· To ? May 13, 1865.

· To a Gentleman in Ohio. September 1, 1865.



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------



Writings about John Stuart Mill

[dictionary / encyclopaedia entries]

· John Stuart Mill. The Cambridge History of English and American Literature.

· John Stuart Mill. The Columbia Encyclopedia.

· John Stuart Mill. The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics.

· John Stuart Mill. Encyclopædia Britannica.

· John Stuart Mill. Encyclopædia Britannica (1911).

· John Stuart Mill. Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy.

· John Stuart Mill. Island of Freedom.

· John Stuart Mill. The Johns Hopkins Guide to Literary Theory & Criticism.

· John Stuart Mill. The Literary Encyclopedia.

· John Stuart Mill. The Penguin Dictionary of Philosophy.

· John Stuart Mill. Spartacus Educational.

· John Stuart Mill. The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.

· John Stuart Mill. Wikipedia.

[other writings]

· Law Reform in England. The United States Democratic Review, 1851.

· John Stuart Mill and his Residence. Anonymous. Littell's Living Age, 1868.

· John Stuart Mill. By G. M. Towle. Appleton's Journal, 1870.

· John Stuart Mill. By M. D. Conway. Harper's New Monthly Magazine, 1873.

· The Reality of Duty. Anonymous. Littell's Living Age, 1876.

· John Stuart Mill (I). By Lyell Adams. New Englander and Yale Review, 1877.

· John Stuart Mill (II). By Lyell Adams. New Englander and Yale Review, 1877.

· John Stuart Mill (III). By Lyell Adams. New Englander and Yale Review, 1877.

· John Stuart Mill and the Destruction of Theism. By President Shairp. Princeton Review, 1878.

· James and John Stuart Mill. Littell's Living Age, 1882.

· John Stuart Mill and the London and Westminster Review. By C. Marion D. Robertson Towers. The Atlantic Monthly, 1892.

· A Letter to John Stuart Mill. By Winthrop More Daniels. The Atlantic Monthly, 1900.

· John Stuart Mill. By Leslie Stephen. In The English Utilitarians. London, 1900, vol. III.

· Variations in the Editions of J. S. Mill's Principles of Political Economy. By M. A. Ellis. Economic Journal, 1906.

· Biography. By O. M. W. Sprague. The Cambridge History of English and American Literature, Cambridge, 1921.

· John Stuart Mill: Traditional and Revisionist Interpretations. By John Gray. Literature and Liberty, 1979.

· Early Buddhism and John Stuart Mill's Thinking. By Vijitha Rajapakse. Philosophy East and West, 1987.

· J. S. Mill: the Utilitarian Influence in the Demise of laissez-faire. By Ellen Frankel Paul. Journal of Libertarian Studies, 1978.

· Wallace's Campaign to Nationalize Land. By M. Gaffney. The American Journal of Economics and Sociology, October 1, 1997.

· Utility and Preferences. By Soshichi Uchii. October 25, 1998.

· The Worm at the Root of the Passions: Poetry and Sympathy in Mill's Utilitarianism. By L. A. Paul. Utilitas, 1998.

· The Carlyle-Mill "Negro Question" Debate. ca. 2000.

· Mill, Liberty, and the Facts of Life. By Shannon C. Stimson and Murray Milgate. 2001.

· Mill's "Proof" of the Principle of Utility. By Geoffrey Sayre-McCord. Social Philosophy and Policy, 2001.

· J.S. Mill and the Diversity of Utilitarianism. By Daniel Jacobson. Philosophers' Imprint, 2003.

· Mill between Aristotle & Bentham. By Martha C. Nussbaum. Daedalus, March 22, 2004.

· The Ethics of Identity. By Kwame Anthony Appiah. The New York Times, June 12, 2005.

· The Influence of Mary Bentham on John Stuart Mill. By Catherine Pease-Watkin. Journal of Bentham Studies, 2006.

· Narrative, Imagination, and the Religion of Humanity in Mill's Ethics. By Colin Heydt. Journal of the History of Philosophy, 2006.

· Mill, Bentham and 'Internal Culture'. By Colin Heydt. British Journal for the History of Philosophy, May, 2006.

[reviews]

· Autobiography. New Englander and Yale Review, 1874.

· Autobiography. New Englander and Yale Review, 1874.

· Autobiography. Scribner's Monthly, 1874.

· Autobiography. North American Review, 1874.

· Autobiography. Littell's Living Age, 1874.

· Autobiography and Three Essays on Religion. New Englander and Yale Review, 1875.

· Considerations on Representative Government. New Englander and Yale Review, 1862.

· Dissertations and Discussions, Vols. I-III. New Englander and Yale Review, 1866.

· Dissertations and Discussions, Vol. IV. New Englander and Yale Review, 1867.

· Dissertations and Discussions, Vol. I. North American Review, 1865.

· Dissertations and Discussions, Vol. IV. North American Review, 1868.

· Examination of Sir Hamilton's Philosophy. New Englander and Yale Review, 1865.

· Inaugural Address at the University of St. Andrew's. North American Review, 1865.

· On Liberty. North America Review, 1863.

· On Liberty. The Cambridge History of English and American Literature, Cambridge, 1921.

· The Philosophy of Auguste Comte. New Englander and Yale Review, 1866.

· Principles of Political Economy. The Prospective Review, 1848.

· Principles of Political Economy. North American Review, 1848.

· Principles of Political Economy. North American Review, 1864.

· Principles of Political Economy. DeBow's Review, 1867.

· Principles of Political Economy. New Englander and Yale Review, 1872.

· Principles of Political Economy. The Cambridge History of English and American Literature, Cambridge, 1921.

· The Subjection of Women. North American Review, 1869.

· The Subjection of Women. New Englander and Yale Review, 1869.

· A System of Logic. North American Review, 1854.

· A System of Logic. The Cambridge History of English and American Literature, Cambridge, 1921.

· Three Essays on Religion. North American Review, 1875.

· Utilitarianism. The Cambridge History of English and American Literature, Cambridge, 1921.

http://www.utilitarian.net/jsmill/ (20070226)