Crankshaw bio NYT
I. The Forerunners, 1600-1788
II. The African Association and the Niger Problem, 1788-1820
III. The Niger discovered
IV. Attempts at exploitation and settlement
V. The scramble for West Africa, 1880-1914.
Many notes on the slave trade.
John Edward McKenzie Lucie-Smith (born 27 February 1933) is a British writer, poet, art critic, curator, broadcaster and author of exhibition catalogues.
Serious differences between Britain and de Gaulle soon emerged over Syria and the Lebanon. De Gaulle and Spears held that it was essential to deny the Germans access to Vichy air bases in Syria from where they would threaten the Suez Canal. However, Wavell was reluctant to stretch his limited forces and did not want to risk a clash with the French in Syria.
The French in Syria had initially been in favour of continuing the struggle against Germany but had been snubbed by Wavell, who declined the offer of cooperation from three French divisions. By the time de Gaulle reached the Levant, Vichy had replaced any Frenchmen who were sympathetic towards Britain.
Having left the Middle East with de Gaulle on a visit to French Equatorial Africa, Spears had his first major row with the general who, in a fit of pique caused by 'some quite minor action by the British government', suddenly declared that the landing ground at Fort Lamy would no longer be available to British aircraft transiting Africa. Spears countered furiously by threatening to summon up British troops to take over the aerodrome and the matter blew over.
De Gaulle told Spears that the Vichy authorities in the Middle East were acting against the Free French and the British. French ships blockaded by the British at Alexandria were permitted to transmit coded messages which were anything but helpful to the British cause. Their crews were allowed to take leave in the Levant States where they stoked up anti-British feeling. They also brought back information about British naval and troop movements which would find its way back to Vichy. In Fulfilment of a Mission Spears writes bitterly about how Britain was providing pay for Vichy sailors who were allowed to remit money back to France. Their pay would, of course, be forfeited if they joined de Gaulle. However, his biggest bone of contention – one over which he frequently clashed with the Foreign Office and the Admiralty – was that a French ship, SS Providence, was allowed to sail unchallenged between Beirut and Marseille. It carried contraband 'and a living cargo of French soldiers and officials [prisoners] who were well disposed to us or who wished to continue the fight at our side'.
Presidential standard of the collaborationist Vichy Regime
De Gaulle and Spears held the view that the British at GHQ in Cairo were unwilling to accept that they had been duped over the level of collaboration between Germany and the Vichy-controlled states in the Levant. The British military authorities feared that a blockade of the Levant would cause hardship and thus antagonise the civilian population. However, Spears pointed out that the Vichy French were already unpopular with the local population – ordinary people resented being lorded over by defeated foreigners. He urged aggressive propaganda aimed at the Vichy French in support of the Free French and British policy. He felt that the Free French would be considered as something different as they were allies of Britain and enjoyed the dignity of fighting their enemy instead of submitting to him.
On 13 May 1941, the fears of de Gaulle and Spears were realised when German aircraft landed in Syria in support of the Iraqi rebel Rashid Ali, who was opposed to the pro-British government. On 8 June, 30,000 troops (Indian Army, British, Australian, Free French and the Trans-Jordanian Frontier Force) invaded Lebanon and Syria in what was known as Operation Exporter. There was stiff resistance from the Vichy French and Spears commented bitterly on 'that strange class of Frenchmen who had developed a vigour in defeat which had not been apparent when they were defending their country'.
Spears soon became aware of the poor liaison which existed between the British Embassy in Cairo, the armed forces, Palestine and the Sudan. The arrival in Cairo in July 1941 of Oliver Lyttelton, who was a Minister of State and a member of the War Cabinet, improved matters considerably. The Middle East Defence Council was also formed – a body that Spears would later join. (src: wiki, 20180718)
The covers of the following books are not yet photographed
APPLETON Sir Edward, Science and the Nation. The BBC Reith Lectures for 1956, London, Edinburgh university press, 1957.
BOYS Edward, VANHAECKE Luc (vertaling en inleiding), Mijn lotgevallen in Frankrijk en Vlaanderen (1803-1809) [vertaling van Narrative of a Captivity and Adventures in France and Flanders 1803-1809], Brugge, Vanhaecke, 2005.
GRAN Guy (editor), HULL Galen, GOULD David, JEWSIEWICKI Bogumil, KABWIT Ghislain, KANNYO Edward, KATWALA Ghifem J., LEMARCHAND Rene, MAKALA-LIZUMI, ELAS Mwana, ROBERTS Allen, SCHATZBERG Michael, SOSNE Elinor, TURNER Thomas, Zaire: The Political Economy of Underdevelopment, New York, Praeger, 1979.
HERMANS Ward, Bestiarium van de literatuur en paradoxen der kritiek., Antwerpen, De Goudvink, s.d..
HERMANS Ward, Apocalyps, , Privé Uitgave, 1958.
HERMANS Ward, Socratische gesprekken. De ondergang van het westers burgerdom., Antwerpen, Goudvink, 1964.
HIBBARD Howard, Hoogtepunten van de beeldhouwkunst, Amsterdam/Brussel, Elsevier, 1978.
LUCIE-SMITH Edward, Ars Erotica. Een opwindende geschiedenis van erotische kunst. (vertaling van An Arousing History of Erotic Art), Hedel, Librero, 1998.
LUCIE-SMITH Edward, Symbolist Art (185 plates, 24 in colour), London, Thames & Hudson, 1972.
MANNING Henry Edward, Het eeuwigdurend priesterschap (vertaling van The Eternal Priesthood), Mechelen, Dessain, 1884.
MUMMA Howard, Albert Camus and the Minister, Brewster, Paraclete Press, 2000.
OLSZEWSKI M., COUPE A., TOTI-BURATTI, FOCKE Herman, LANTS Gerrard, GILBERT, ROOVERS, VAN WAMBEKE, DE VALCK, PIRANA, BAERT, NAGELS, DE QUICK, DEWINTER, METZ, POST, TWARDOCH, e.a., De mens wil lachen. Knokke-Heist '78, 17de wereldkartoenale, Leuven, Davidsfonds, 1978.
PEETERS Edward, De beweging der Ave-Maria-Scholen in Spanje. Opvoedkundige Bibliotheek Nr 14), Brussel, Libertas, s.d..
POFFE Edward, Antwerpen in de XVIIIe eeuw, na den inval der Franschen, met 600 ongekende handschriften, Antwerpen, Drukkerij H. & L. Kennes, opvolgers van L. Gerrits, Markgravestraat, 17, 1897.
SOUNES Howard, Down The Highway. Het leven van Bob Dylan., Utrecht, Het Spectrum, 2001.
SOURAVITCH (inl Edward Peeters), Kerschensteiner en de arbeidsschool (Opvoedkundige Bibliotheek Nr 10), Brussel, Libertas, s.d..
SPENCER Philip, WOLLMAN Howard, Nationalism, A Critical Introduction, London, Sage, 2003.
WARD Barbara, DUBOS René, Only one earth. The care and maintenance of a small planet., Middlesex, Penguin Books, 1972.
WOODWARD G. W. O., The Dissolution of the Monasteries, London, Pitkin Pictorials Ltd, 1975.
Emirates has also decided to continue growing with Airbus’ newest generation, flexible widebody aircraft, ordering 40 A330-900 and 30 A350-900 aircraft.
“As a result of this decision we have no substantial A380 backlog and hence no basis to sustain production, despite all our sales efforts with other airlines in recent years. This leads to the end of A380 deliveries in 2021,” said Airbus Chief Executive Officer Tom Enders. “The consequences of this decision are largely embedded in our 2018 full year results”.
“The A380 is not only an outstanding engineering and industrial achievement. Passengers all over the world love to fly on this great aircraft. Hence today’s announcement is painful for us and the A380 communities worldwide. But, keep in mind that A380s will still roam the skies for many years to come and Airbus will of course continue to fully support the A380 operators,” Tom Enders added.
“The A380 is Emirates’ flagship and has contributed to the airline’s success for more than ten years. As much as we regret the airline’s position, selecting the A330neo and A350 for its future growth is a great endorsement of our very competitive widebody aircraft family,” said Guillaume Faury, President of Airbus Commercial Aircraft and future Airbus CEO. “Going forward, we are fully committed to deliver on the longstanding confidence Emirates is placing in Airbus.”
Airbus will start discussions with its social partners in the next few weeks regarding the 3,000 to 3,500 positions potentially impacted over the next three years. However, the ongoing A320 ramp-up and the new widebody order from Emirates Airline will offer a significant number of internal mobility opportunities.
Brussels, 11 February 2019
The Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent thanks the Government of Belgium for its invitation to visit the country from 4 to 11 February 2019, and for its cooperation. In particular, we thank the Federal Public Service Foreign Affairs, Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation. We also thank the OHCHR Regional Office for Europe for their support to the visit.
The views expressed in this statement are of a preliminary nature and our final findings and recommendations will be presented in our mission report to the United Nations Human Rights Council in September 2019.
During the visit, the Working Group assessed the human rights situation of people of African descent living in Belgium, and gathered information on the forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, Afrophobia and related intolerance they face. The Working Group studied the official measures taken and mechanisms to prevent systemic racial discrimination and to protect victims of racism, as well as responses to multiple forms of discrimination.
As part of its fact-finding mission, the Working Group visited Brussels, Antwerp, Liege, Namur and Charleroi. It met with senior officials of the Belgian Government at the federal, regional, community and local levels, the legislature, law enforcement, national human rights institutions, OHCHR Regional Office, non-governmental organizations, as well as communities and individuals working to promote the rights of people of African descent in Belgium. The Working Group toured the Royal Museum for Central Africa (RMCA). It also visited the St. Gilles prison in Brussels.
We thank the many people of African descent and others, representing civil society organizations, human rights defenders, women’s organizations, lawyers, and academics whom we met during the visit. The contributions of those working to promote and protect the rights of people of African descent, creating initiatives, and proposing strategies to address structural racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, Afrophobia and related intolerance are invaluable.
The protection of human rights and the prohibition of racial discrimination is enshrined in Articles 10-11 in the Belgian Constitution. Belgium’s national anti-racism legislation is the 1981 anti-discrimination law, updated in 2007. Regions and communities also have anti-discrimination legislation.
We welcome the initiatives undertaken by Government at the federal, regional and community levels to combat racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance. We encourage efforts to raise awareness and support civil society including through the provision of funding.
The Working Group recognizes the important work of the Inter-Federal Centre for Equal Opportunities (Unia) in the protection and promotion of human rights, and in documenting racism and inequality at the federal and regional levels. Unia also provides recommendations on participation, tolerance, discrimination and diversity as well as their implementation in Belgium. Its diversity barometers provide important information on the human rights situation of people of African descent.
Throughout our visit we appreciated the willingness of public officials to discuss how public and private institutions may sustain racial disparities. We welcome the national network of expertise on crime against people, a robust infrastructure for combatting hate crime. In Brussels, Antwerp, Liege, Namur and Charleroi, the Working Group received information about social integration and intercultural efforts for new arrivals, including referral to language tuition. In Liege, we welcome the commitment enshrined in the Charter, Liege Against Racism.
The Working Group also welcomes the civil society initiatives to promote the International Decade for people of African descent in Belgium.
One of the ways the African diaspora in Belgium is expressing its voice is through cultural events such as the Congolisation festival to highlight the contribution of Congolese artists to the Belgian cultural landscape and make people begin to appreciate and reflect on the diaspora’s artistic heritage.
Despite the positive measures referred to above, the Working Group is concerned about the human rights situation of people of African descent in Belgium who experience racism and racial discrimination.
There is clear evidence that racial discrimination is endemic in institutions in Belgium. Civil society reported common manifestations of racial discrimination, xenophobia, Afrophobia and related intolerance faced by people of African descent. The root causes of present day human rights violations lie in the lack of recognition of the true scope of violence and injustice of colonisation. As a result, public discourse does not reflect a nuanced understanding of how institutions may drive systemic exclusion from education, employment, and opportunity. The Working Group concludes that inequalities are deeply entrenched because of structural barriers that intersect and reinforce each other. Credible efforts to counter racism require first overcoming these hurdles.
We note with concern the public monuments and memorials that are dedicated to King Leopold II and Force Publique officers, given their complicity in atrocities in Africa. The Working Group is of the view that closing the dark chapter in history, and reconciliation and healing, requires that Belgians should finally confront, and acknowledge, King Leopold II’s and Belgium’s role in colonization and its long-term impact on Belgium and Africa.
The most visible postcolonial discourse in a Belgian public institution takes place within the recently reopened Royal Museum for Central Africa (RMCA), which is both a research and a cultural institution. RMCA has sought to review its approach to include critical, postcolonial analysis- a marked shift for an institution originally charged with promulgating colonial propaganda. The Working Group is of the view that the reorganization of the museum has not gone far enough. For those communities that do engage in vibrant postcolonial discourse, i.e., civil society and activists, the reorganization falls short of its goal of providing adequate context and critical analysis. The Working Group notes the importance of removing all colonial propaganda and accurately presenting the atrocities of Belgium’s colonial past. The RMCA admits that decolonization is a process and reports its intention to evolve towards sharing power with people and institutions of African descent.
The Working Group welcomes this process of decolonization, as even recent cultural production in Belgium reflects enduring legacies of the colonial past. For example, a 2002 exhibit of eight Africans in a private zoo in Belgium (Cameroonians brought to Belgium without visas) recalls Belgium’s notorious “human zoos” between 1897 and 1958.
Reportedly, between 1959 and 1962, thousands of children born to white fathers and African mothers in Belgian-ruled Congo, Rwanda and Burundi were abducted and sent to Belgium for adoption. The Working Group notes with approval that the 2016 appeal by Metis de Belgique for state recognition was met with an apology from the Catholic Church the following year and a 2018 parliamentary resolution on la ségrégation subie par les métis issus de la colonisation belge en Afrique. The Working Group commends the provision of funding for data gathering, research and accountability within this framework.
Belgium often refers to intercultural, rather than multicultural, goals with the idea of preserving individual cultural heritage and practices while coexisting in peace and prosperity with respect and regard for the intersection and interaction of diverse cultures. This diversity includes citizens, migrants, people of first, second, and third generation residency, highly educated people, and groups that have contributed enormously to the modern Belgian state. Interculturality requires reciprocity, rejection of harmful cultural stereotype, and valuing of all cultures, including those of people of African descent.
The Working Group notes with concern the absence of disaggregated data based on ethnicity or race. Disaggregated data is required for ensuring the recognition of people of African descent and overcoming historical “social invisibility”. Without such data, it is impossible to ensure that Belgium’s reported commitments to equality are actually realized. Some anti-discrimination bodies have found proxy data (relating to parental origin) that have informed equality and anti-racism analyses; additional data relating to regroupement famille (and other data) may also extend these analyses to Belgian citizens of African descent.
Belgium has a complex political system. This must not impede fulfilment of its obligations to combat racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance. The lack of an A-Status National Human Rights Institution and a National Action Plan to combat racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, Afrophobia and related intolerance must be addressed. Belgium should engage actively in partnership with people of African descent, particularly experts in navigating these complexities, to promote equality and to diminish entrenched racial disparity.
The Working Group notes both civil society and law enforcement acknowledge the prevalence of racial profiling in policing. Reportedly, counter-terrorism policies have contributed to an increase in racial profiling by law enforcement. The federal police recognized the concern with racial profiling and offered additional information about a pilot study in Mechelen to document all stops and searches (including a narrative basis for the stop) over a two-year period. However, it is unclear how this may effectively target racial profiling as the race of the community members stopped by the police are not included among the data captured by the stop report.
The Working Group visited St. Gilles Prison in Brussels. The Working Group found the prison dilapidated and overcrowded. It is scheduled for relocation in 2022. Frequent strikes by prison personnel dramatically impact the conditions of confinement for incarcerated people housed there, including suspensions of visitation, showers, phone access, recreation, and prolonged lockdowns. Another concern raised by the detainees was the lack of attention to their requests for medical attention. There were also individual reports of racist behaviour by some of the guards, and the administration committed to individually counselling perpetrators and zero-tolerance for racism.
The Working Group notes with deep concern, the lack of representation of people of African descent in the judiciary, law enforcement, government service, correctional service, municipal councils, regional and federal parliaments. These institutions do not reflect the diversity of the Belgian population. When the Working Group visited Belgium in 2005, the federal police reported the existence of a robust recruitment program to promote diversity. While this program was again presented as a serious commitment, no data are currently available to establish what improvements, if any, had been made in the past fourteen years and whether the program has been successful.
Civil society and community members commented on the lack of positive role models in the news media, on billboards, and in Belgian television and film. The French Community referenced best practices involving a barometer of print media aimed at measuring equality and diversity among journalists and in news content, and creating of an expert panel to broaden representation.
The Working Group noted deficiencies in the enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights, among people of African descent in Belgium. According to research, sixty percent of Afro-Belgians are educated to degree level, but they are four times more likely to be unemployed than the national average. Eighty percent say they have been victims of discrimination from a very young age. Public officials consistently rationalized systematic exclusion of people of African descent with references to language and culture, even in cases involving second generation Belgians.
The Working Group repeatedly heard from civil society that Belgians of African descent faced “downgrading” and other employment challenges. People with university and graduate degrees reported working well-below their educational levels, including in manual labor despite possessing university certificates from Belgian universities. They also highlighted the difficulty in obtaining recognition of foreign diplomas. They also reported systematic exclusion from job assistance as job centers declined to refer people of African descent to employment opportunities at their educational levels. UNIA has also documented pervasive downgrading of employment and the prevalence of people of African descent working well below their education levels, despite the fact that they are among the most educated in the Belgian society.
The Working Group is concerned that primary and secondary school curricula do not adequately reflect the history of colonization as well as history and contributions of people of African descent in Belgium. Whether colonial history of Belgium is mentioned is largely dependent on interest and initiative of individual teachers. Where curriculum exists, it appears to recapitulate colonial propaganda including the suggestion that economic development came to Africa as a result of colonization while omitting references to key historical figures of African descent such as Patrice Lumumba. Reportedly, one-fourth of the high school graduates are unaware that Congo was a former Belgian colony.
At every interaction with civil society, the Working Group heard testimonies of the systematic practice of diverting children of African descent to vocational or manual training and out of the general education trajectory. This severely impacts the right to education and the right to childhood. Parents reported struggling to keep their children from being diverted, resisting transfers to vocational education, fighting to avoid having their children classified with behavioural or learning disorders and being threatened with the involvement of child protective services. A few parents discussed creative strategies to navigate these systems and secure their children’s education, including using the home school testing process and enrolling their children in boarding school. University students also reported being discouraged from continuing their educations or progressing.
Several community members discussed severe impact to their mental health due to racial discrimination. This included individualized racial slurs and hostile treatment, and several members of civil society in different locations mentioned the dramatic impact of daily racism on their lives – including depression and becoming withdrawn – and the fact that no one in authority in their schools ever noticed or intervened.
Civil society reported frequent discrimination in housing and rental markets. They would be immediately rejected by landlords who could detect an African accent over the phone or who recognized their names as African or informed the apartment was unavailable once they met the landlord face-to-face. Government informed of the use of “mystery calls,” a process involving the use of testers where landlords were identified as potentially discriminating unlawfully. The program was only recently commenced, pursuant to the Unia report and in conjunction with them, and few cases had been completed at the time of our visit.
The Working Group heard considerable testimony from civil society and community members on intersectionality, that people who meet the criteria for multiple marginalized groups may be particularly vulnerable, face extreme violence and harassment, and yet often remain invisible or deprioritized even within communities of African descent. This is particularly true for undocumented people of African descent whose lives are particularly precarious and who lack regularisation for years. In addition, women of African descent, particularly recent migrants, faced challenges pursuing justice, social support, or even shelter for domestic violence.
People of African descent and Muslim religious identity questioned why law enforcement authorities assumed they had terrorist ties. Some public officials implicitly acknowledged their role in this, including defending the use of racial profiling as a counter terrorism tactic and suggesting a false equivalence between anti-radicalism efforts and anti-racism programs, i.e., failing to understand that race-based assumptions regarding radicalism are inaccurate, grounded in bias, and divert key resources from protecting Belgian society from actual threats.
The Working Group is concerned about the rise of populist nationalism, racist hate speech and xenophobic discourse as a political tool. We reiterate the concerns raised by the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination in 2015 that the government has yet to adopt legislation declaring organizations which promote and incite racial discrimination illegal, in conformity with Article 4 of the Convention.
The use of blackface, racialized caricatures, and racist representations of people of African descent is offensive, dehumanizing and contemptuous. Regrettably, the re-publication of Tintin in the Congo unedited and without contextualization perpetuates negative stereotypes and either should be withdrawn or contextualized with an addendum reflecting current commitments to anti-racism.
The Working Group found little awareness about the International Decade for people of African descent. Civil society stands ready to support implementation of the Programme of Activities of the International Decade.
The following recommendations are intended to assist Belgium in its efforts to combat all forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, Afrophobia and related intolerance:
The Government of Belgium should adopt a comprehensive inter-federal National Action Plan against racism, upholding the commitments it made 2002, following the World Conference Against Racism. The National Action Plan against racism should be developed in partnership with people of African descent.
Adopt a National Strategy for the inclusion of people of African descent in Belgium, including migrants, and create a National Platform for people of African descent.
Establish an independent National Human Rights Institution, in conformity with the Paris Principles, and in partnership with people of African descent.
The Government should consider ratifying the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families.
The Working Group urges the Government to comply with the recommendations made by the Unia, including those relating to combating racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance.
The Working Group urges the government to fund creative projects by people of African descent such as the House of African Culture, among others, with the view of raising the visibility of all forms of African expression and preserving the history and memory of the African Diaspora.
We urge universities throughout Belgium to endow chairs in African Studies, and prioritize the hiring of faculty of African descent, with the view to foster research and the dissemination of knowledge in this area, as well as to diversify the academy.
The Government should ensure funding for anti-racism associations run by people of African descent to enable them to be partners in combatting racism. The Working Group also recommends inclusive financing mechanisms for entrepreneurs of African Descent.
We welcome the renaming of the former Square du Bastion to Patrice Lumumba Square in June 2018 as well as an exhibit commemorating Congolese soldiers who fought in World War I, and encourage further, durable commemoration of contributions of people of African descent and the removal of markers of the colonial period.
We urge the government to give recognition and visibility to those who were killed during the period of colonization, to Congolese soldiers who fought during the two World Wars, and to acknowledge the cultural, economic, political and scientific contributions of people of African descent to the development of Belgian society through the establishment of monuments, memorial sites, street names, schools, municipal, regional and federal buildings. This should be done in consultation with civil society.
The Working Group recommends reparatory justice, with a view to closing the dark chapter in history and as a means of reconciliation and healing. We urge the government to issue an apology for the atrocities committed during colonization. The right to reparations for past atrocities is not subject to any statute of limitations. The Working Group recommends the CARICOM 10-point action plan for reparatory justice as a guiding framework.
The Working Group supports the establishment of a truth commission, and supports the draft bill before Parliament entitled “A memorial work plan to establish facts and the implication of Belgian institutions in Congo, Rwanda and Burundi”, dated 14 February 2017.
The authorities should ensure full access to archives relevant for research on Belgian colonialism.
The Working Group urges the relevant authorities to ensure that the RMCA be entrusted with tasks and responsibilities in the context of the International Decade for people of African Descent. In this context, the Working Group recommends that the RMCA be provided with appropriate financial and human resources, which would allow it to fully exercise the potential of this institution and engage in further improving and enriching its narrative, thus contributing to a better awareness and understanding of the tragic legacies of Belgian colonialism as well as past and contemporary human rights challenges of people of African descent.
The Working Group encourages the RMCA, in collaboration with historians from Africa and the diaspora, to remove all offensive racist exhibits and ensure detailed explanations and context to inform and educate visitors accurately about Belgium’s colonial history and its exploitation of Africa.
The Working Group urges the Government to provide specific, directed funding to the RMCA to enrich its postcolonial analysis. This funding should allow for innovations like QR codes on museum placards to provide more context and enrich intersectional analyses, including the historical and current interplay of race, gender, sexuality, migration status, religion and other relevant criteria.
The Working Group urges the Government to financially support a public education campaign in partnership with people of African descent, to learn and better understand the legacies of Belgian colonialism.
The Working Group strongly recommends that the Government collects, compiles, analyses, disseminates and publishes reliable statistical data disaggregated by race and on the basis of voluntary self-identification, and undertakes all necessary measures to assess regularly the situation of individuals and groups of individuals who are victims of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance.
The Working Group calls on the Government to address racial profiling and institute a policy of documenting and analyzing stops and searches nationwide, including race and skin color, in order to promote and ensure equality and fairness on policing; mitigate selective enforcement of the law; address enduring bias, stereotype, and beliefs about the need to surveil and control people of African descent.
Ensure that the robust framework set up for the prosecution of hate crimes is used more in practice.
Review diversity initiatives within justice institutions as well as other sectors including education and media, to develop clear benchmarks to increase diversity measurably and overcome structural discrimination and unconscious bias through positive measures, in accordance with the provisions of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.
Clarify and simplify jurisdiction of anti-discrimination authorities, creating one point of entry to ease reporting for victims and to coordinate and enhance accountability for perpetrators of racist harassment and violence, including accelerated judicial procedures.
The Government should review and ensure that textbooks and educational materials accurately reflect historical facts as they relate to past tragedies and atrocities such as enslavement, the trade in enslaved Africans and colonialism. Belgium should use UNESCO’s General History of Africa to inform its educational curriculum, among similarly oriented authoritative texts. We urge the government to promote greater knowledge and recognition of and respect for the culture, history and heritage of people of African descent living in Belgium. This should include the mandatory teaching of Belgium’s colonial history at all levels of the education system.
The Ministries of Education and the local Communities must determine whether there is a statistically significant difference in diversion of children of African descent from mainstream education into vocational or technical education streams, as compared to white Belgian children.
All teachers should complete anti-racism training, including training on implicit bias and specific manifestations in the context of their work. The training should involve testing to evaluate the understanding of diversity among teachers.
All public officials charged with education responsibilities must develop clear, objective, and transparent processes and criteria that govern when a child should be diverted from mainstream education, the need to guard against implicit bias and race-based outcomes in decision-making, and the right of parents to resist or overrule the recommendations of teachers without harassment.
The Government should take all necessary measures to combat racial discrimination and ensure full implementation of the right to adequate standard of living, including the right to adequate housing, access to affordable health care, employment and education for people of African descent.
Invest in integrated trust-building measures between the police, judicial institutions, the Unia, social integration institutions, anti-racist associations, and victims of racial discrimination and race and gender based violence, to ensure that racist acts, violence or crimes are systematically reported, prosecuted and compensated.
Belgium should conduct a racial equity audit within its public institutions and incentivize private employers and institutions to do the same. The purpose of the audit is to look for systemic bias and discrimination within the regular and routine operation of business. Belgium should commit to a public release of the findings and to implementing recommendations developed in the audit process.
Belgium should examine existing statistics and proxy data to determine whether people of African descent in Belgium, including Belgian citizens of African descent, experience and exercise their human rights consistently with the averages for all Belgians. This includes data on citizenship, parents’ place of birth, and regroupement famille (family reunification) data for reunification from countries of African descent.
Belgium should adopt clear, objective, and transparent protocols for job centers to ensure they do not perpetuate stereotype and bias, including requiring referrals to be based on level of education or experience, and recognizing that language should not be a disqualifying factor once a measurable competence is determined.
The Working Group recommends the Government support and facilitate an open debate on the use of blackface, racialized caricatures and racist representation of people of African descent. The republication of Tintin in the Congo should be withdrawn or contextualized with an addendum reflecting current commitments to anti-racism.
The Working Group calls on politicians at all levels of society to avoid instrumentalzing racism, xenophobia and hate speech in the pursuit of political office and to encourages them to promote inclusion, solidarity, non-discrimination and meaningful commitments to equality. Media is also reminded of its important role in this regard.
The Working Group reminds media of their important role as a public watchdog with special responsibilities for ensuring that factual and reliable information about people of African descent is reported.
The Working Group urges the Government to involve civil society organisations representing people of African descent when framing important legislations concerning them and providing those organizations with adequate funding.
The International Decade on People of African Descent should be officially launched in Belgium at the federal level.
The Working Group also encourages the Government to further implement the 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda within Belgium, with focus on indicators relevant for people of African descent, in partnership with civil society. In view of Statbel’s 2018 report on poverty, the Working Group calls on the government to eradicate structural racism to attain the Sustainable Development Goals.
The Working Group would like to reiterate its satisfaction at the Government’s willingness to engage in dialogue, cooperation and action to combat racial discrimination. We hope that our report will support the Government in this process and we express our willingness to assist in this important endeavour.
This work was created the year after Girl and Cat, and towards the end of the period during which he painted Therese. While this girl is in a similar pose to the earlier work, there is a heightened sense of agitation for the subject in the composition. Her eyes are closed and face turned away from the viewer. Therese's body is more defined as an adult; her legs are longer and her face and arms have shed their prepubescent extra weight. Overlapping the title's indication of dreaming, her facial expressions suggest the mixture of possible ecstatic pleasure and an uncertain, uncomfortable or even pained response to unwanted shared sensual experience.
Here, even the cat assumes a different role, no longer a would-be stalwart sentinel but now a predator, albeit a domestic one, intently and sensually lapping at the bowl at Therese's feet.
The heightening of both the sensual experience depicted and the ambivalence of its subject may hint also at the impending loss of innocence in the painter's relationship with Therese at the time of the piece's production, as the following year he ceased painting her.
Oil on canvas - Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
meer werk van Balthus op de site van The Art Story
Willen we dan maar gelijk Lolita van Nabokov uit de rekken verwijderen ?
En moeten we nu ook Louis Paul Boon opnieuw gaan screenen ?
Alizée verbannen, misschien?
In het antwoord van de Met kan ik me volledig vinden: “Moments such as this provide an opportunity for conversation, and visual art is one of the most significant means we have for reflecting on both the past and the present and encouraging the continuing evolution of existing culture through informed discussion and respect for creative expression.” (zoals gemeld door de NYT)
Over de geschiedenis van de preutsheid vindt u meer in Girls lean back everywhere.
Als preutsheid je ding is, dan voel je je misschien beter dan de rest, maar wellicht is dat niet zo en ben je gewoon zoals de anderen.
The plain, simple and bitter truth is that Turkey’s Islamist rulers have supported and maintained parallel networks in Europe; thrown political, diplomatic and financial support to front NGOs whose role is to promote hatred; and run a campaign of intimidation and curtailed free speech in European nations that are home to large Turkish and Muslim expatriate communities.
Delivering a very passionate speech last month at the European Parliament, Guy Verhofstadt, president of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, called this a fifth column that is being operated by the cronies of autocratic president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to undermine Europe from within. He called on lawmakers to fight for European values and send a strong message to Erdoğan by freezing the accession talks with Turkey, which will most likely threaten this autocrat’s economic lifeline.
Turkey’s top Islamist has been secretly organizing clandestine networks in Europe to extend his influence and to create a network of supporters among Turkish and Muslim communities (especially from Egypt, Syria, Somalia and the Balkans) that could be called to serve the political goals of Erdogan. Just last week, we saw how this network was mobilized by Erdoğan in Germany, Belgium, Austria and Luxembourg where crowds gathered to show their support for this autocrat’s goals. The drive ran in parallel with similar rallies held by youth and women’s branches of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) in front of the embassies of these countries in Ankara. With this showdown, Erdoğan hopes that the EU will give in on critical issues where the EU has shown resistance.
As opposed to a constructive engagement that would help Turkish and Muslim immigrant communities to better integrate with host nations, Erdoğan’s plan is rather based on playing a “spoiler card” in the heart of Europe by creating a groundswell of public support that will be difficult to restrain when push comes to shove. For that, he funds shell companies to run the fuel line for these networks and even pours in cash from a secret stash of state discretionary funds using the diplomatic pouch. It is not surprising to see that some European politicians including several EU lawmakers were hooked by this. Some have already been exposed by name and shamed publicly, while others are waiting their turn as confidential investigations close in. These Erdoğan apologists, who are now paying their dues by taking a position against his critics and opponents, will be sidelined and marginalized.
The heavyweights in Erdoğan’s fifth column in Europe comprise three major organizations that were set up on political and religious grounds to cater to different constituencies. There are hundreds of other NGOs clustered around these big boys that move in unison when given orders. In addition to raising funds and local recruitment, they are well financed by the Turkish government and supported diplomatically and politically. To volunteers they offer perks such as facilitation of their business and family dealings in the motherland, or positions in the Turkish government or government-linked institutions for their relatives. For Erdoğan critics, they run an intimidation campaign by profiling them and alerting authorities back in Turkey so that friends and families face repression and even jail time.
The easiest way to discern the pattern among these NGOs and Erdoğan’s political machinations is by looking at how they quickly pile on when Erdoğan wants. The first organization is the Union of European Turkish Democrats (UETD), founded in Germany in 2004 but later expanded to other European countries — France, Belgium, Austria, Netherlands and the UK. It has been totally transformed into an Islamist grassroot base for Erdoğan. The organization, working closely with Turkish embassies, is an important vehicle in delivering results for Erdoğan from get-out-to-vote campaigns to lobbying activities in European capitals. Turkish government officials are encouraged to spare time to meet and attend events organized by the UETD when they go to Europe. President Erdoğan’s travel itinerary often includes a meeting with UETD officials on the sidelines of his official visits.
While the UETD focuses exclusively on Turkish expat communities, the Union of NGOs of the Islamic World (UNIW), another NGO set up by Turkish Islamist rulers in 2005, actively works among Muslim communities in Europe and other continents. Among its members are controversial charity groups such as International Humanitarian Relief (IHH), accused of arms smuggling to rebels in Syria, and the Ensar Foundation, which was involved in a spree of rapes of dozens of children in the conservative Turkish district of Karaman. Erdoğan orchestrated the coverup of criminal investigations into both and protected them from prosecution. The UNIW has been running various schemes in Europe, linking up with Muslim groups in order to secure their loyalty to the undeclared Caliph Erdoğan.
The leaked emails of Erdoğan’s son-in-law Berat Albayrak, authenticated inadvertently by a court complaint, revealed that both the UETD and UNIW have worked together in Europe to promote goals set up by the Erdoğan family. In an email dated Jan. 21, 2013 and sent to Albayrak, a man named İsmail Emanet, then head of the youth branches of the UNIW, sent a detailed report to Erdoğan’s son-in-law on activities in Europe. In the 19-page report, Emanet, who is now advisor to Energy Minister Albayrak, said the UETD must be overhauled to better realign with the Islamist government’s goals and suggested that the Turkish-Islamic Union for Religious Affairs (DİTİB), the wealthy organization that is run by imams and was sent by the Turkish government to Europe, work closely with the UETD.
The DİTİB, which used be an apolitical religious network that was relied upon by secular governments in the past, has for some time now been transformed into an instrument of hate-mongering and anti-Western political machinations by President Erdoğan. With its control of so many mosques in Europe and the huge financial resources at its disposal, the DİTİB presents serious challenges to the integration policies of all European countries that host sizable Turkish communities. In November 2015, the UETD awarded DİTİB-affiliated imams in Germany certificates of appreciations for their role in the Nov. 1 elections, which restored the parliamentary majority to Erdoğan’s AKP.
As European politicians are hobbled by internal divisions, Erdoğan sees a moment of opportunity to advance his fifth column in the heart of Europe. Using the front NGOs and transformed grassroot networks, his intelligence operatives have stepped up their intel collection efforts, run clandestine schemes, plan false flags and even plot assassinations and murders of dissidents and critics. Using the migrant deal to blackmail the EU, Erdoğan is twisting arms and threatens Europe with a flood of refugees. It is not hard to imagine what he is planning secretly.
With this trajectory of boosting radicals and hooligans among the Turkish and Muslim communities of Europe, Turkey’s Islamists have set relations with the EU back further. What is more troubling is that Erdoğan’s xenophobic and anti-Western policies give more ammunition to far-right Islamophobic European politicians at the expense of moderate conservatives, liberals and social democrats. In other words, Erdoğan is undermining European values not just by advancing the fifth column of Islamist zealotry in the midst of Europe but also by giving a huge impetus to the extreme right. In the meantime law-abiding and peaceful Turks and Muslims in Europe find themselves under greater suspicion from the larger majority because of closer scrutiny as European authorities are scrambling to defuse the risk of Erdoğan’s fifth column from developing effectively.
As a result, Turkey’s autocratic president has not only migrants to mobilize in order to destabilize Europe but also an Islamist fifth column in the heart of Europe to march forward when the time comes. The militant religious networks are already mushrooming in Europe on fertile ground provided by this fifth column’s clandestine activities.
Ferguson names 20 important subjects that are underrated in history classes in Stanford, Yale and Harvard.
1. All periods in British History
2. The Reformation
3. The scientific revolution
4. The Enlightment
5. The American Revolution
6. The French Revolution
7. The US Constitution
8. The Industrial Revolution
9. The American Civil War
10. German Unification
11. World War I
12. The Russian Revolution
13. The Great Depression
14. The Rise Of Fascism
15. The Third Reich
16. World War II
18. The Cold War
19. The history of Israel
20. European Integration
Comment LT: What I miss in Fergusons' list is The Rise and Decline of the Ottoman Empire.
Recommendation CM/Rec(2017x)xx of the Committee of Ministers to member states on media pluralism and transparency of media ownership
Second revised draft
1. Media freedom and pluralism are crucial components of the right to freedom of expression, as guaranteed by Article 10 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ETS No. 5, hereinafter “the Convention”). They are central to the functioning of a democratic society as they help to ensure the availability and accessibility of diverse information and views, on the basis of which individuals can form and express their opinions and exchange information and ideas.
2. The media play essential roles in democratic society, by widely disseminating information, ideas, analysis and opinions; acting as public watchdogs, and providing forums for public debate. In the present multi-media ecosystem, these roles continue to be fulfilled by traditional media, but are also increasingly performed by other media and non-media actors, from multinational corporations to non-governmental organisations and individuals.
3. Pluralist democratic societies are made up of a wide range of identities, ideas and interests. It is imperative that this diversity can be communicated through a range of independent and autonomous channels and outlets, thus creating an informed society, contributing to mutual understanding and fostering social cohesion.
4. Different types of media, along with different genres or forms of editorial content or programming contribute to diversity of content. Although content focusing on news and current affairs is of most direct relevance for fostering an informed society, other genres are also very important. Examples include cultural and educational content and entertainment, as well as content aimed at specific sections of society, such as local content.
5. In the present multi-media environment, online media and other internet platforms enable access to a growing range of information from diverse sources. This transformation in how media content is made available and used creates new opportunities for more and more people to interact and communicate with each other and to participate in public debate.
6. This technological evolution also raises concerns for media pluralism. While variety in media sources and types can be instrumental in enhancing diversity of media content and exposure to such diversity, it does not of itself guarantee it. Individuals still have to select what media to use and what content to watch, listen to or read among vast quantities of diverse content distributed across various media. This may result in them selecting or being exposed to information confirming their existing views and opinions, which can, in turn, generate fragmentation and result in a polarised society. While limited news resources and self-imposed restrictions on the choice of content are not new phenomena, the media and internet intermediaries may amplify their inherent risks, through their ability to control the flow, availability, findability and accessibility of information and other content online. This is particularly troubling if the individual users are not aware of these processes or do not understand them.
7. As new actors enter the evolving online market, the ensuing competitive pressures and a shift in advertising revenues towards the internet have contributed to an increase in media consolidation and convergence. Single or a few media owners or groups acquire positions of considerable power where they can separately or jointly set the agenda of public debate and significantly influence or shape public opinion, reproducing the same content across all platforms on which they are present. Convergence trends also lead to cost-cutting, job losses in journalism and media sectors, and the risk of financial dependencies for journalists and the media. These developments may cause a reduction in diversity of news and content generally and ultimately impoverish public debate.
8. Fresh appraisals of existing approaches to media pluralism are called for in order to address the challenges for pluralism resulting from how users and businesses have adapted their behaviour to technological developments. New policy responses and strategic solutions are needed to sustain independent, quality journalism and diverse content across all media types and formats.
9. There is a need for an enhanced role for independent public service media to counteract on-going processes of concentration and convergence in the media. By virtue of their remit, public service media are particularly suited to address the informational needs and interests of all sections of society, as is true of community media in respect of their constituent users. It is of utmost importance for public service media to have within their mandates the responsibility to foster political pluralism and awareness of diverse opinions, notably by providing different groups in society – including cultural, linguistic, ethnic, religious or other minorities – with an opportunity to receive and impart information, to express themselves and to exchange ideas.
10. In light of the increased range of media and content, it is very important for individuals to possess the cognitive, technical and social skills and capacities that enable them to critically analyse media content, and to understand the ethical implications of media and technology. Media literacy contributes to media pluralism and diversity by empowering individuals to effectively access, evaluate and create diverse types of content; by reducing the digital divide; facilitating informed decision-making, especially in respect of political and public affairs and commercial content, and by enabling the identification and countering of false or misleading information and harmful and illegal online content.
11. The adoption and effective implementation of media-ownership regulation plays an important role in respect of media pluralism. Such regulation should ensure transparency in media ownership; it should address issues such as cross-media ownership, direct and indirect media ownership and effective control and influence over the media. It should also ensure that there is effective and manifest separation between the exercise of political authority or influence and control of the media or decision making as regards media content.
12. Transparency of media ownership, organisation and financing help to increase media accountability. Transparency and media literacy are therefore indispensable tools for individuals to make informed decisions about which media they use and how they use them, to search for, access and impart information and ideas of all kinds. This makes them practical instruments of effective pluralism.
13. Against this background, the present Recommendation reaffirms the importance of existing Council of Europe standards dealing with different aspects of media pluralism and transparency of media ownership and the need to fully implement them in democratic societies. The Recommendation builds further on those standards, adjusting, supplementing and reinforcing them, as necessary, to ensure their continued relevance in the current multi-media ecosystem.
Under the terms of Article 15.b of the Statute of the Council of Europe (ETS No. 1), the Committee of Ministers recommends that governments of member States:
i. fully implement the guidelines set out in the appendix to this recommendation;
ii. remain vigilant to, and address, threats to media pluralism and transparency of media ownership by regularly monitoring the state of media pluralism in their national media markets, assessing risks to media freedom and pluralism and adopting appropriate regulatory responses, including by paying systematic attention to such focuses in the on-going reviews of their national laws and practices;
iii. fully implement, if they have not already done so, previous Committee of Ministers’ Recommendations and Declarations dealing with different aspects of media pluralism and transparency of media ownership, in particular those specified in the guidelines appended to the present Recommendation;
iv. promote the goals of this recommendation at the national and international levels and engage and co-operate with all interested parties to achieve those goals.
Appendix to Recommendation
In the context of this Recommendation, unless otherwise specified, the media are generally understood as including print, broadcast and online media.
I. A favourable environment for freedom of expression and media freedom
1. The principles of freedom of expression and media freedom, as grounded in the Convention, must continue to be developed in a way that takes full account of the features of the present multi-media ecosystem, in which a range of new media actors have come to the fore.
2. States have a positive obligation to foster a favourable environment for freedom of expression, in which everyone can exercise their right to freedom of expression and participate in public debate effectively, irrespective of whether or not their views are received favourably by the State or others. States should guarantee free and pluralistic media for their valuable contribution to robust public debate in which societal diversity can be articulated and explored.
3. National legislative and policy frameworks should safeguard the editorial independence and operational autonomy of all media so that they can carry out their key tasks in democratic society. The frameworks should be designed and implemented in such ways as to prevent the State, or any powerful political, economic, religious or other groups from acquiring dominance and exerting pressure on the media.
4. Relevant legislation should ensure that the media have the freedom at all times to provide accurate and reliable reporting on matters of public interest, in particular concerning vital democratic processes and activities, such as elections, referenda and public consultations on matters of general interest. Adequate safeguards should also be put in place to prevent interference with editorial independence of the media in relation to coverage of conflicts, crises and other sensitive situations where quality journalism and reporting are key tools in countering propaganda and disinformation.
5. In a favourable environment for freedom of expression, media regulatory authorities and other authorities or entities entrusted with responsibility for regulating or monitoring other (media) service providers or media pluralism must be able to carry out their remit in an effective, transparent and accountable manner. A prerequisite for them to be able to do so is that they themselves enjoy independence that is guaranteed in law and borne out in practice.
6. The independence of the authorities and entities referred to in the previous paragraph should be guaranteed by ensuring that they: have open and transparent appointment and dismissal procedures; have adequate human and financial resources and autonomous budget allocation; work to transparent procedures and decision-making; have the power to take autonomous decisions and enforce them, and that their decisions are subject to appeal.
7. States should ensure transparency of media ownership, organisation and financing, as well as promote media literacy, in order to provide individuals with the information and critical awareness that they need in order to access diverse information and participate fully in the present multi-media ecosystem.
II. Media pluralism and diversity of media content
General requirements of pluralism
1. As ultimate guarantors of pluralism, States have a positive obligation to put in place an appropriate legislative and policy framework to that end. This implies adopting appropriate measures to ensure sufficient variety in the overall range of media types, bearing in mind differences in terms of their purposes, functions and geographical reach. The complementary nature of different media types strengthens external pluralism and can contribute to creating and maintaining diversity of media content.
2. States are called upon to ensure that there is periodic independent monitoring and evaluation of the state of media pluralism in their jurisdictions based on a set of objective and transparent criteria for identifying risks to the variety in ownership of media sources and outlets, the diversity of media types, the diversity of viewpoints represented by political, ideological, cultural and social groups, and the diversity of interests and viewpoints relevant to local and regional communities. States are further urged to develop and enforce appropriate regulatory and policy responses effectively addressing any risks found.
Specific requirements of pluralism
Diversity of content
3. States should adopt regulatory and policy measures to promote the availability and accessibility of the broadest possible diversity of media content as well as the representation of the whole diversity of society in the media, including by supporting initiatives by media to those ends.
States should encourage the development of open, independent, transparent and participatory initiatives by social media, media stakeholders, civil society and academia, that seek to improve effective exposure of users to the broadest possible diversity of media content online.
Wherever the visibility, findability and accessibility of media content online is influenced by automated processes, whether they are purely automated processes or used in combination with human decisions, States should encourage social media, media stakeholders, civil society and academia to engage in open, independent, transparent and participatory initiatives that:
- increase the transparency of the processes of online distribution of media content, including automated processes;
- assess the impact of such processes on users’ effective exposure to a broad diversity of media content, and
- seek to improve these distribution processes in order to improve users’ exposure to the broadest possible diversity of media content.
4. States should make particular efforts, taking advantage of technological developments, to ensure that the broadest possible diversity of media content, including in different languages, is accessible to all groups in society, particularly those which may have specific needs or face disadvantage or obstacles when accessing media content, such as minority groups, children, the elderly and persons with cognitive or physical disabilities.
5. Diversity of media content can only be properly gauged when there are high levels of transparency about editorial and commercial content: media and other actors should adhere to the highest standards of transparency regarding the provenance of their content and always signal clearly when content is provided by political sources or involves advertising or other forms of commercial communications, such as sponsoring and product placement. This also applies to user-generated content and to hybrid forms of content, including branded content, native advertising and advertorials and infotainment.
Institutional arrangement of media pluralism
6. States should recognise the crucial role of public service media in fostering public debate, political pluralism and awareness of diverse opinions. States should accordingly guarantee adequate conditions for public service media to continue to play this role in the multi-media landscape, including by providing them with appropriate support for innovation and the development of digital strategies and new services.
7. States should adopt appropriate specific measures to protect the editorial independence and operational autonomy of public service media by keeping the influence of the State at arm’s length. The supervisory and management boards of public service media must be able to operate in a fully independent manner and the rules governing their composition and appointment procedures must contain adequate checks and balances to ensure that independence.
8. States should also ensure stable, sustainable, transparent and adequate funding for public service media in order to guarantee their independence from governmental, political and commercial pressures and enable them to provide a broad range of pluralistic information and diverse content. This can also help to counterbalance any risks caused by a situation of media concentration.
9. States should encourage and support the establishment and functioning of community, minority, regional and local media, including by providing financial mechanisms to foster their development. Such independent media give a voice to communities and individuals on topics relevant to their needs and interests, and are thus instrumental in creating public exposure for issues that may not be represented in the mainstream media and in facilitating inclusive and participatory processes of dialogue within and across communities and at regional and local levels.
10. States should facilitate access to cross-border media, which serve communities outside the country where they are established, supplement national media and can help certain groups in society, including immigrants, refugees and diaspora communities, to maintain ties with their countries of origin, native cultures and languages.
Support measures for the media and media pluralism
11. For the purpose of enhancing media pluralism, States should develop strategies and mechanisms to support professional news media and quality journalism, including news production capable of addressing diverse needs and interests of groups that may not be sufficiently represented in the media. They should explore a wide range of measures, including various forms of non-financial and financial support such as advertising and subsidies, which would be available to different media types and platforms, including those of online media. States are also encouraged to support projects relating to journalism education, media research and innovative approaches to strengthen media pluralism and freedom of expression.
12. Support measures should have clearly defined purposes; be based on pre-determined clear, precise, equitable, objective and transparent criteria, and be implemented in full respect of the editorial and operational autonomy of the media. Such measures could include positive measures to enhance the quantity and quality of media coverage of issues that are of interest and relevance to groups which are underrepresented in the media.
13. Support measures should be administered in a non-discriminatory and transparent manner by a body enjoying functional and operational autonomy such as an independent media regulatory authority. An effective monitoring system should also be introduced to supervise such measures, to ensure that they serve the purpose for which they are intended.
III. Regulation of media ownership: ownership, control and concentration
1. In order to guarantee effective pluralism in their jurisdictions, States should adopt and implement a comprehensive regulatory framework for media ownership and control that is adapted to the current state of the media industry. Such a framework should take full account of media convergence and the impact of online media.
Ownership and control
2. Regulation of competition in the media market including merger control should prevent individual actors from acquiring significant market power in the overall national media sector or in a specific media market/sector at the national level or sub-national levels, to the extent that such concentration of ownership limits meaningful choice in the available media content.
3. Media ownership regulation should apply to all media and could include restrictions on horizontal, vertical and cross-media ownership, including by determining thresholds of ownership in line with Recommendation CM/Rec 2007(2) of the Committee of Ministers to member states on media pluralism and diversity of media content. Those thresholds may be based on a number of criteria such as capital shares, voting rights, circulation, revenues, audience share or audience reach.
4. States should set criteria for determining ownership and control of media companies by explicitly addressing direct and beneficial ownership and control. Relevant criteria can include proprietary, financial or voting strength within a media company or companies and the determination of the different levels of strength that lead to exercising control or direct or indirect influence over the strategic decision-making of the company or companies including their editorial policy.
5. As the key democratic tasks of the media include holding authorities to account, legislation should stipulate that the exercise of political authority or influence is incompatible with involvement in the ownership, management or editorial decision-making of the media. The incompatibility of these functions should be recognised as a matter of principle and should not be made conditional on the existence of particular conditions. The criteria of incompatibility and a range of appropriate measures for addressing conflicts of interest should be set out clearly in law.
6. Any restrictions on the extent of foreign ownership of media should apply in a non-discriminatory manner to all such companies and should take full account of the States’ positive obligation to guarantee pluralism and of the relevant guidelines set out in this Recommendation.
7. States are also encouraged to develop and apply suitable methodologies for the assessment of media concentration. In addition to measuring the availability of media sources, this assessment should reflect the real influence of individual media by adopting an audience-based approach and using appropriate sets of criteria to measure the use and impact of individual media on opinion-forming.
8. Media ownership regulation should include procedures to prevent media mergers or acquisitions that could adversely affect pluralism of media ownership or diversity of media content. Such procedures could involve a requirement for media owners to notify the relevant independent regulatory authority of any proposed media merger or acquisition whenever the ownership and control thresholds, as set out in legislation, are met.
9. The relevant independent regulatory authority should be vested with powers to assess the expected impact of any proposed concentration on media pluralism and to make recommendations or decisions, as appropriate, about whether the proposed merger or acquisition should be cleared, subject or not to any restrictions or conditions, including divestiture. Decisions of the independent authority should be subject to judicial review.
IV. Transparency of media ownership, organisation and financing
1. States should guarantee a regime of transparency regarding media ownership that ensures the availability of the data necessary for informed regulation and decision-making and enables the public to access those data in order to help them to analyse and evaluate the information, ideas and opinions disseminated by the media.
2. To this end, States should adopt and implement legislation that sets out enforceable disclosure/transparency obligations for media in a clear and precise way. Such obligations should, as a minimum, include the following information:
- Legal name and contact details of a media outlet;
- Name(s) and contact details of the direct owner(s) with shareholdings enabling them to exercise influence on the operation and strategic decision-making of the media outlet. States are recommended to apply a threshold of 5% shareholding for the purpose of the disclosure obligations.
- Identity and contact details of natural persons with beneficial shareholdings. Beneficial shareholding applies to natural persons who ultimately own or control shares in a media outlet or on whose behalf those shares are held, enabling them to indirectly exercise control or significant influence on the operation and strategic decision-making of the media outlet.
- Information on the nature and extent of the share-holdings or voting rights of the above legal and/or natural persons in other media, media-related or advertising companies which could lead to decision-making influence over those companies, or positions held in political parties;
- Name(s) of the persons with actual editorial responsibility or the actual authors of editorial content;
- Changes in ownership and control arrangements of a media outlet.
3. The scope of the above minima for disclosure/transparency obligations for the media includes legal and natural persons based in other jurisdictions and their relevant interests in other jurisdictions.
4. High levels of transparency should also be ensured with regard to the sources of financing of media outlets in order to provide a comprehensive picture of the different sources of potential interference with the editorial and operational independence of the media and allow for effective monitoring and controlling of such risks.
5. To this end, States should adopt and implement legislation that sets out enforceable disclosure of the following information:
- Information on the sources of the media outlet’s income, including from State and other funding mechanisms and (State) advertising.
- The existence of structural relationships or contractual cooperation with other media or advertising companies, political parties or the State, including in respect of State advertising;
6. Legislation should set out clear criteria as to which media are subject to these reporting obligations. The obligations may be limited with regard to factors such as the commercial nature of the media outlet, a wide audience reach, exercise of editorial control, frequency and regularity of publication or broadcast, etc., or a combination thereof. Legislation should also determine the timeframe within which reporting obligations must be met.
7. Such legislation should also require the maintenance of a public, online database of media ownership and control arrangements in the State, with disaggregated data about different types of media (markets/sectors) and regional and/or local levels, as relevant. Those databases should be kept up to date on a rolling basis and they should be available to the public free of charge. They should be accessible and searchable; their contents should be made available in open formats and there should not be restrictions on their re-use.
8. Reporting requirements relating to media ownership should include the provision of:
- A description of media ownership and control arrangements for media under its jurisdiction (including media whose services are directed at other countries);
- A description of changes to the media ownership and control arrangements within the State during the reporting period;
- An analysis of the impact of those changes on media pluralism in the State.
9. Legislation should provide for the publication of reports on media ownership to be accompanied by appropriate explanations of the data and the methodologies used to collect and organise them, in order to help members of the public to interpret the data and understand their significance.
10. States should issue clear, up-to-date guidance on the interrelationship and implications of the different regulatory regimes and on how to implement them correctly and coherently. That guidance could take the form of user-friendly guidelines, handbooks, manuals, etc.
11. States should also facilitate inter-agency cooperation, including the relevant exchange of information about media ownership held by media regulatory authorities, competition authorities and company registers. Similarly, the exchange of information and best practices with other national authorities, both within their own jurisdiction and in other jurisdictions, should be facilitated.
V. Media literacy/education
1. States should introduce legislative provisions or strengthen existing ones that promote media literacy with a view to enabling individuals to access, understand, critically analyse, evaluate, use and create content through a range of legacy and digital (including social) media.
2. States should also develop a national media literacy policy and ensure its operationalisation and implementation through (multi-)annual action plans. A key strategy for that purpose could be to support the creation of a national media literacy network comprising a wide range of stakeholders, or the further development of such a network where it already exists.
3. In the multi-media ecosystem, media literacy is essential for people of all ages and all walks of life. Law and/or policy measures promoting media literacy should thus help to develop the teaching of media literacy in school curricula at all levels and as part of lifelong learning cycles, including by providing suitable training and adequate resources for teachers and educational institutions to develop teaching programmes. Any measures adopted should be developed in consultation with teachers and trainers with a view to ensuring a fair and appropriate integration of relevant activities in work-flows. Any measures adopted should not interfere with the academic autonomy of educational institutions in curricular matters.
4. States should encourage all media, without interfering with their editorial independence, to promote media literacy through policies, strategies and activities. They should also promote media literacy through support schemes for media, taking into account the particular roles of public service media and community media.
5. States should ensure that independent national regulatory authorities have the scope and resources to promote media literacy in ways that are relevant to their mandates and encourage them to do so.
6. States are encouraged to include in their national media literacy programmes focuses on media pluralism and transparency of media ownership in order to help citizens to make an informed and critical evaluation of the information and ideas propagated via the media. To this end, States are called upon to include in their strategies for ensuring transparency in the media sector educational content which enables individuals to use information relating to media ownership, organisation and financing, in order to better understand the different influences on the production, collection, curation and dissemination of media content.
Among the “hostile actions” mentioned in the bill are the US support for the coup against the democratically elected Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh in 1953, aiding Saddam Hussein in the war between Iraq and Iran in the 1980s, destruction of oil platforms in the Persian Gulf in 1988, and espionage against the Islamic Republic as well as confiscation of Iranian external assets, Tehran Times reports.
Looking for job security in the knowledge economy? Just learn to code. At least, that’s what we’ve been telling young professionals and mid-career workers alike who want to hack it in the modern workforce—in fact, it’s advice I’ve given myself. And judging by the proliferation of coding schools and bootcamps we’ve seen over the past few years, not a few have eagerly heeded that instruction, thinking they’re shoring up their livelihoods in the process.
Unfortunately, many have already learned the hard way that even the best coding chops have their limits. More and more, "learn to code" is looking like bad advice.
CODING CAN’T SAVE YOU
Anyone competent in languages such as Python, Java, or even web coding like HTML and CSS, is currently in high demand by businesses that are still just gearing up for the digital marketplace. However, as coding becomes more commonplace, particularly in developing nations like India, we find a lot of that work is being assigned piecemeal by computerized services such as Upwork to low-paid workers in digital sweatshops.
This trend is bound to increase. The better opportunity may be to use your coding skills to develop an app or platform yourself, but this means competing against thousands of others doing the same thing—and in an online marketplace ruled by just about the same power dynamics as the digital music business.
Besides, learning code is hard, particularly for adults who don’t remember their algebra and haven’t been raised thinking algorithmically. Learning code well enough to be a competent programmer is even harder.
Although I certainly believe that any member of our highly digital society should be familiar with how these platforms work, universal code literacy won’t solve our employment crisis any more than the universal ability to read and write would result in a full-employment economy of book publishing.
It’s actually worse. A single computer program written by perhaps a dozen developers can wipe out hundreds of jobs. As the author and entrepreneur Andrew Keen has pointed out, digital companies employ 10 times fewer people per dollar earned than traditional companies. Every time a company decides to relegate its computing to the cloud, it's free to release a few more IT employees.
Most of the technologies we're currently developing replace or obsolesce far more employment opportunities than they create. Those that don’t—technologies that require ongoing human maintenance or participation in order to work—are not supported by venture capital for precisely this reason. They are considered unscalable because they demand more paid human employees as the business grows.
TRAINING OUR ROBO-REPLACEMENTS
Finally, there are jobs for those willing to assist with our transition to a more computerized society. As employment counselors like to point out, self-checkout stations may have cost you your job as a supermarket cashier, but there’s a new opening for that person who assists customers having trouble scanning their items at the kiosk, swiping their debit cards, or finding the SKU code for Swiss chard. It’s a slightly more skilled job and may even pay better than working as a regular cashier.
But it’s a temporary position: Soon enough, consumers will be as proficient at self-checkout as they are at getting cash from the bank machine, and the self-checkout tutor will be unnecessary. By then, digital tagging technology may have advanced to the point where shoppers just leave stores with the items they want and get billed automatically.
For the moment, we’ll need more of those specialists than we’ll be able to find—mechanics to fit our current cars with robot drivers, engineers to replace medical staff with sensors, and to write software for postal drones. There will be an increase in specialized jobs before there's a precipitous drop. Already in China, the implementation of 3-D printing and other automated solutions is threatening hundreds of thousands of high-tech manufacturing jobs, many of which have existed for less than a decade.
American factories would be winning back this business but for a shortage of workers with the training necessary to run an automated factory. Still, this wealth of opportunity will likely be only temporary. Once the robots are in place, their continued upkeep and a large part of their improvement will be automated as well. Humans may have to learn to live with it.
This conundrum was first articulated back in the 1940s by the cybernetics pioneer Norbert Wiener, whose work influenced members of the Eisenhower Administration to start worrying about what would come after industrialism. By 1966, the United States convened the first and only sessions of the National Commission on Technology, Automation, and Economic Progress, which published six (mostly ignored) volumes sizing up what would later be termed the "post-industrial economy."
Today, it’s MIT’s Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee who appear to be leading the conversation about technology’s impact on the future of employment—what they call the "great decoupling." Their extensive research shows, beyond reasonable doubt, that technological progress eliminates jobs and leaves average workers worse off than they were before.
Yet it’s hard to see this great decoupling as a mere unintended consequence of digital technology. It is not a paradox but the realization of the industrial drive to remove humans from the value equation. That’s the big news: The growth of an economy does not mean more jobs or prosperity for the people living in it.
"I would like to be wrong," a flummoxed McAfee confided in the same article, "but when all these science-fiction technologies are deployed, what will we need all the people for?"
When technology increases productivity, a company has a new excuse to eliminate jobs and use the savings to reward its shareholders with dividends and stock buybacks. What would've been lost to wages is instead turned back into capital. So the middle class hollows out, and the only ones left making money are those depending on the passive returns from their investments.
It turns out that digital technology merely accelerates this process to the point where we can all see it occurring. It's just that we haven't all taken notice yet—we’ve been busy coding.
"It’s the great paradox of our era," Brynjolfsson explained to MIT Technology Reviewin 2013. "Productivity is at record levels, innovation has never been faster, and yet at the same time, we have a falling median income and we have fewer jobs. People are falling behind because technology is advancing so fast and our skills and organizations aren’t keeping up."
[This post is based on Douglas Rushkoff’s new book, Throwing Rocks at the Google Bus: How Growth Became the Enemy of Prosperity and originally appeared in Fast Company.]
Een team bio-ingenieurs experimenteert met een miniatuurzonnepaneeltje dat waterstofgas aanmaakt en op die manier zowel elektriciteit als brandstof kan leveren. Waterstofgas kan bovendien op grote schaal CO2 reduceren en omzetten naar bruikbare stoffen. “De chemie wordt vaak scheef bekeken als een vervuilende industrie, maar voor een uitdaging als de klimaatverandering zou ze wel eens dé oplossing kunnen aanreiken.”
Waterstofgas is al langer een groene belofte. Het is een licht gas dat je onder druk kunt opslaan in een tank. In een brandstofcel is het onmiddellijk om te zetten naar elektriciteit. Autoconstructeurs werken al aan een elektrische wagen op basis van waterstofgas, maar een grote doorbraak kwam er tot nu toe niet.
Dat heeft vooral te maken met de productie van waterstofgas, vertelt Johan Martens van het Centrum voor Oppervlaktechemie en Katalyse. “In de natuur komt het niet voor; het wordt normaal gezien gewonnen uit fossiele brandstoffen. Dat gaat dus gepaard met de uitstoot van CO2. Er wordt onderzoek gedaan naar alternatieve technologieën, zoals elektrolyse: je stuurt een elektrische stroom door water en daarbij ontstaat zuurstof en waterstofgas. Op zich een proces zonder vervuiling, maar je hebt er wel elektriciteit bij nodig, en die komt ook nog vaak uit fossiele brandstoffen. Het is nu zaak om een echt duurzame productiemethode te vinden, die economisch kan concurreren met fossiele brandstoffen.”
Het onderzoeksproject ‘Solar Hydrogen from Air’ won de eerste Energy Award waarmee Febeliec, de vereniging van industriële energiegebruikers, een idee lauwert dat bijdraagt aan de oplossing van de energieproblemen van de Belgische industrie. Op de foto het onderzoeksteam: professor Johan Martens (m.) omringd door (vlnr) bio-ingenieur Tom Bosserez, doctor Christos Trompoukis en bio-ingenieurs Jan Rongé en Lisa Geerts | © KU Leuven - Rob Stevens
Zijn team is het eerste ter wereld dat met niets anders dan zonlicht en waterdamp uit de lucht waterstofgas kan produceren. “We hebben onze zonnecellen al uitgeprobeerd op het dak, en het werkt.” Al moet je je er in de experimentele fase nog geen standaard zonnepaneel bij voorstellen: het gaat om een apparaat van een tiental vierkante centimeter. “Het bestaat uit een reactor met twee compartimenten: aan de ene kant komt licht en lucht binnen, aan de andere kant eindigen we met waterstofgas. Tussen de twee compartimenten zitten de flinterdunne zonnecel, bedekt met membranen om te filteren, en katalysatoren, stoffen die de vorming van waterstofgas op gang brengen. We hoeven geen water, zuren of andere hulpstoffen toe te voegen, en het zonlicht zorgt voor de energie.”
"In principe is dit toestel zelfs bruikbaar in de woestijn, want ook daar zit in elke kubieke meter lucht ongeveer vijf gram water."
“Het unieke is dat het een alles-in-één-systeem is, met lucht als bron van water en met directe productie van waterstofgas. Het systeem is ook CO2-neutraal en er is geen nettoverbruik van water: het water dat het toestel nodig heeft, haalt het uit de lucht en geeft het ook weer af aan de lucht. In principe is dit toestel zelfs bruikbaar in de woestijn, want ook daar zit in elke kubieke meter lucht ongeveer vijf gram water.”
De opbrengst van het nieuwe zonnecelletje ligt nu nog lager dan die van een traditioneel zonnepaneel, maar dat willen Johan Martens en zijn team nog verbeteren met verder onderzoek. Zal het in de toekomst ooit kunnen concurreren met de gewone fotovoltaïsche zonnepanelen? “De twee systemen kunnen naast elkaar bestaan. Een traditioneel zonnepaneel wekt elektriciteit op voor direct verbruik. De kracht van onze zonnecel zit hem in de brede toepasbaarheid: met waterstofgas kan je niet enkel elektriciteit opwekken, je kunt het ook als een chemische, hernieuwbare brandstof gebruiken.”
Zo ziet Martens in waterstofgas zelfs perspectieven voor een oplossing voor de klimaatverandering. “We leven in een koolstofwereld: daar kunnen we niet omheen. We moeten de CO2-uitstoot niet bannen uit onze economie, maar we kunnen de geproduceerde CO2 wel opvangen en recycleren tot nieuwe brandstof of tot bruikbare chemicaliën.” En op dat vlak biedt waterstofgas perspectieven voor de industrie, gelooft Martens. “Als je aan CO2 waterstofgas toevoegt, kan je bijvoorbeeld synthetisch aardgas maken.”
De CO2-emissie van huishoudens en voertuigen is veel moeilijker te verlagen: “Maar ook daar kan waterstofgas een rol spelen. Als elk huis met ons zonnepaneel zijn eigen waterstofgasgenerator krijgt, kan je alle nodige energie lokaal produceren. Of de carrosserie van een wagen zou kunnen worden uitgerust met onze technologie om waterstofgas te produceren. Je kan het vergelijken met het opladen van een elektrische auto, alleen heb je geen oplaadpunt nodig, enkel zonlicht.”
“De chemie wordt vaak scheef bekeken als een vervuilende industrie. Maar voor een uitdaging als de klimaatverandering zou ze wel eens dé oplossing kunnen aanreiken.”
March 14, 2016
Excerpt of an article originally published under the title "Latest Survey Finds 25% of French Teenagers Are Muslims."
One of the most striking cases of reality denial in contemporary France is demography: issues like birthrate, life expectancy, immigration, and emigration. On the face of it, you can hardly ignore such things, since they constantly reshape your environment and your way of life. Even without resorting to statistics, you are bound to perceive, out of day-to-day experience, what the current balance is between younger and older people, how many kids are to be found at an average home, and the ethnicity or religion of your neighbors, or the people you relate to at work or in business.
The French elites, both on the right and left, managed for five decades at least to dismiss the drastic demographic changes that had been taking place in their country, including the rise of Islam, since they clashed with too many political concepts – or fantasies – they had been brainwashed into accepting: the superiority of the "French social model;" the unique assimilative capacity of French society; equality for equality's sake; the primacy of individual values over family values; secularism; francophonie, or the assumption that all French-speaking nations in the world were a mere extension of France, and that all nations that defined themselves as "Francophone" did speak French or were subdued by French culture; and finally la politique arabe et islamique de la France, a supposed political and strategic affinity with the Arab and Muslim world.
Until 2004, compilation of ethnic, racial, and religious statistics was prohibited under French law.
One way for the elites to deny demographics was to reject ethnic-related investigation on legal or ethical grounds. Until 2004, ethnic, racial, and religious statistics were not allowed under French law – ostensibly to prevent a return of Vichy State-style racial persecutions. Even as the law was somehow relaxed, first in 2004 and again in 2007, many statisticians or demographers insisted on retaining a de facto ban on such investigations.
The issue turned into a nasty civil war among demographers, and especially within INED (the French National Institute for Demographic Studies) between a "classic" wing led by older demographers like Henri Léridon and Gérard Calot and then by the younger Michèle Tribalat, and a liberal or radical wing led by Hervé Le Bras.
In a recent interview with the French weekly Le Point, Tribalat dryly observed that the "well-connected" Le Bras described her as "the National Front Darling," an assertion that "destroyed her professional reputation." The son of a prestigious Catholic historian, Le Bras is indeed a very powerful man in his own right, who managed throughout his own career to accumulate tenures, honors, and positions of influence both in France and abroad.
The irony about his accusation against Tribalat is that, while intent to discuss the issue of immigration, she is an extremely cautious and conservative expert when it comes to actual figures. She has always tended to play down, in particular, the size of the French Muslim community.
In 1997, I observed in an essay for Middle East Quarterly that figures about French Islam were simply chaotic: there was too much discrepancy between sources:
The Ministry of Interior and Ined routinely speak of a Muslim population in France of 3 million. Sheikh Abbas, head of the Great Mosque in Paris, in 1987 spoke of twice as many – 6 million. Journalists usually adopt an estimate somewhere in the middle: for example, Philippe Bernard of Le Monde uses the figure of 3 to 4 million. The Catholic Church, a reliable source of information on religious trends in France, also estimates 4 million. Arabies, a French-Arab journal published in Paris, provides the following breakdown: 3.1 million Muslims of North African origin, 400,000 from the Middle East, 300,000 from Africa, 50,000 Asians, 50,000 converts of ethnic French origin, and 300,000 illegal immigrants from unknown countries. This brings the total to 4.2 million. One can state with reasonable certainty that the Muslim population of France numbers over 3 million (about 5 percent of the total French population) and quite probably over 4 million (6.6 percent).
Nineteen years later, accuracy has hardly improved in this respect. All sources agree that France as a whole underwent a moderate demographic growth: from 57 to 67 million, a 15% increase. (Throughout the same period of time, the U.S. enjoyed a 22% population increase, and China, under a government-enforced one-child policy, a 27% increase.) All sources agree also that there was a much sharper increase in French Muslim demographics – and that, accordingly, the moderate national growth may in fact just reflect the Muslim growth.
For all that, however, there are still no coherent figures about the Muslim community. According to CSA, a pollster that specializes in religious surveys, 6% of the citizens and residents of France identified with Islam in 2012: about 4 million people out of 65 million. IFOP, a leading national pollster, settled for 7% in 2011: 4.5 million. Pew concluded in 2010 a figure of 7.5%: 4.8 million. The CIA World Factbook mentioned 7% to 9% in 2015: from 4.6 to almost 6 million out of 66 million. INED claimed as early as 2009 an 8% figure: 5.1 million. Later, INED and French government sources gave 9% in 2014: 5.8 million.
Over two decades, the French Muslim population is thus supposed to have increased by 25% according to the lowest estimations, by 50% according to median estimations, or even by 100% if one compares the INED and government figures of 1997 to those of 2014, from 3 million to almost 6 million.
This is respectively almost two times, three times, or six times the French average population growth.
An impressive leap forward, whatever the estimation. But even more impressive is, just as was the case in 1997, the discrepancy between the estimates. Clearly, one set of estimates, at least, must be entirely erroneous. And it stands to reason that the lowest estimates are the least reliable.
First, we have a long-term pattern according to which, even within the lowest estimates, the Muslim population increase is accelerating. One explanation is that the previous low estimates were inaccurate.
Second, low estimates tend to focus on the global French population on one hand and on the global French Muslim population on the other hand, and to bypass a generational factor. The younger the population cohorts, the higher the proportion of Muslims. This is reflected in colloquial French by the widespread metonymical substitution of the word "jeune" (youth) for "jeune issu de l'immigration" (immigrant youth), or "jeune issu de la diversité" (non-European or non-Caucasian youth).
According to the first ethnic-related surveys released in early 2010, fully a fifth of French citizens or residents under twenty-four were Muslims.
Proportions were even higher in some places: 50% of the youth were estimated to be Muslim in the département (county) of Seine-Saint-Denis in the northern suburbs of Paris, or in the Lille conurbation in Northern France. A more recent survey validates these numbers.
Once proven wrong, deniers do not make amends. They move straight from fantasy to surrender.
An investigation of the French youths' religious beliefs was conducted last spring by Ipsos. It surveyed nine thousand high school pupils in their teens on behalf of the French National Center for Scientific Research (CNRS) and Sciences Po Grenoble.
The data was released on February 4, 2016, by L'Obs, France's leading liberal newsmagazine. Here are its findings:
38.8% of French youths do not identify with a religion.
33.2% describe themselves as Christian.
25.5% call themselves Muslim.
1.6% identify as Jewish.
Only 40% of the young non-Muslim believers (and 22% of the Catholics) describe religion as "something important or very important."
But 83% of young Muslims agree with that statement.
Such figures should deal the death blow to demographic deniers. Except that once proven wrong, deniers do not make amends. Rather, they contend that since there is after all a demographic, ethnic, and religious revolution, it should be welcomed as a good and positive thing. Straight from fantasy to surrender.
Michel Gurfinkiel, a Shillman-Ginsburg Fellow at the Middle East Forum, is the founder and president of the Jean-Jacques Rousseau Institute, a conservative think tank in France.
Macedonia has introduced a tight border regime, letting only very few refugees cross the border on a daily basis, and alternative routes haven’t been established yet. More than 120,000 migrants are thought to have arrived in Greece in the first two months of 2016 alone.
The below chart gives an impression of the extent of the refugee crisis as it unfolds in Greece. Comparing the numbers of migrants who arrived in Greece in the first two months of this year to last year’s numbers gives an idea of the magnitude of the problem.
"Do not come to Europe," Council President Tusk said, appealing to the refugees, after a meeting with Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras in Athens. "Do not believe the smugglers. Do not risk your lives and your money. It is all for nothing," he added.
This chart shows the political affiliation of selected US religious groups in 2014.
In an article for the Russia in Global Affairs magazine, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov outlines the historical importance of Russian foreign policy over the course of the last 1,000 years, arguing that Russian policy has always been based on preserving the fragile balance of peace and stability in international relations. Any attempts to isolate Moscow as a major world power have led to historical defeats and countless deaths, he says.
“During at least the past two centuries any attempts to unite Europe without Russia and against it have inevitably led to grim tragedies, the consequences of which were always overcome with the decisive participation of our country,” Lavrov wrote.
Being the largest country on earth with a unique “cultural matrix,” Russia has always followed its own national interests, Lavrov argues. Yet at the same time it has served as a bridge between the East and the West, while Russians have always welcomed and respected numerous religions and cultures.
While welcoming Western ideas and applying them to modernize Russia, Moscow has never allowed itself to be consumed by Western culture. At the same time Moscow has always advocated working with the West to achieve common objectives.
Lavrov stressed the constructive role Moscow has played in European affairs, especially during the Napoleonic Wars, as well as in First and Second World Wars. The influence of the Soviet Union in shaping modern Western values should also not be underestimated, the minister argues, highlighting the USSR’s role in decolonization and shaping the European socio-economic system.
“The Soviet Union, for all its evils, never aimed to destroy entire nations,” Lavrov said. “Winston Churchill, who all his life was a principled opponent of the Soviet Union and played a major role in going from the World War II alliance to a new confrontation with the Soviet Union, said that graciousness, i.e. life in accordance with conscience, is the Russian way of doing things,” he added.
The post-Soviet world, Lavrov argues, offered the unique opportunity for European states to unite with Moscow and work towards a wider and more solid security mechanism in Europe – a mechanism that would enable long-lasting peace on the wider continent.
“Logically, we should have created a new foundation for European security by strengthening the military and political components of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE),” the minister wrote.
Instead of uniting, some European countries chose to ally themselves with NATO and Washington, and once again embarked on the centuries-old matrix of trying to isolate Russia and expand the military alliance’s borders further east, while pursuing a global agenda of regime change and ‘color’ revolutions.
“It is notable that George Kennan, the architect of the US policy of containment of the Soviet Union, said that the ratification of NATO expansion was ‘a tragic mistake,’” Lavrov said.
Rather than serving as architects of peace, NATO and its member states, Lavrov said, continued to engage in destructive policies that threaten international stability and have already led to the collapse of states, starting from the bombings of Yugoslavia, to the invasions of Iraq and Libya.
Arguing that the liberal system of globalization has failed, the minister stressed that the world is standing at crossroads, where a new system of international relations is taking shape. At such an important historical junction, Lavrov says it is wrong to accuse Russia of “revisionism” just because Moscow refuses to bow or close its eyes to NATO’s policies.
“A reliable solution to the problems of the modern world can only be achieved through serious and honest cooperation between the leading states and their associations in order to address common challenges,” Lavrov wrote.
The most pressing issue in the modern world is the threat of terrorism, which can only be defeated by a united front, he added.
The foreign minister stressed that Russia is not seeking any “confrontation” with the US or the EU. On the contrary, Moscow is and has always been open to “the widest possible cooperation with its Western partners.”
Russia continues to support the notion that the best way to ensure the interests of Europeans would be “to form a common economic and humanitarian space from the Atlantic to the Pacific, so that the newly formed Eurasian Economic Union could be an integrating link between Europe and Asia Pacific.”
biography Sergey Lavrov
“Unfortunately, the international community is indifferent towards these events. Turkey has taken Europe prisoner by using Middle Eastern refugees as an instrument of blackmail. The US keeps silent too, having common interests with Turkey. For instance, the US wants to keep using the Incirlik airbase […] and the Turkish Army is emboldened by such impunity.”
1265: Clemens IV (Guy Foulquois) tot nieuwe paus verkozen te Perugia
1783: Italië: aardbeving in Calabrië, waarbij 35.000 doden vallen
1831: België: te Antwerpen brengt de Hollandse gezagvoerder Jan Van Speyk zijn kanonneerboot tot ontploffing
1850: GHL: de Nederlandse prins Hendrik Willem wordt stadhouder van het groothertogdom Luxemburg
1887: Italië: Milaan: première van de opera Othello van Verdi
1914: geboorte William Seward Burroughs II
1925: culturele autonomie verleend aan Estland
1927: Portugal: communistische opstand in Oporto, waarop de stad gebombardeerd en de opstand bloedig onderdrukt wordt door kolonel Passos
1949: België: oprichting van Touring Wegenhulp
1954: GBR: eerste atoomzuil in werking gesteld in Harwell
1982: Wies Moens overleden
Martin Wolf is chief economics commentator at the Financial Times, London. He was awarded the CBE (Commander of the British Empire) in 2000 “for services to financial journalism”. Mr Wolf is an honorary fellow of Nuffield College, Oxford, honorary fellow of Corpus Christi College, Oxford University, an honorary fellow of the Oxford Institute for Economic Policy (Oxonia) and an honorary professor at the University of Nottingham.
He has been a forum fellow at the annual meeting of the World Economic Forum in Davos since 1999 and a member of its International Media Council since 2006. He was made a Doctor of Letters, honoris causa, by Nottingham University in July 2006. He was made a Doctor of Science (Economics) of London University, honoris causa, by the London School of Economics in December 2006. He was a member of the UK government's Independent Commission on Banking in 2010-2011. Martin's most recent publications are Why Globalization Works and Fixing Global Finance.
“We must openly call for the establishment of a Kurdish state that separates Iran from Turkey, one which will be friendly towards Israel,” Shaked told the annual INSS security conference in Tel Aviv on Tuesday, as cited by the Times of Israel.
More precisely, Shaked proposed the new state be founded between Turkey, Israel and Iraq.
lees meer over dit plan
On September 28th, 2015, we wrote of the driving factor behind increased market volatility, “excessive debt, prime and subprime with no liquidity, a reminder of 2007-2008.” It is clear that new, small, and medium sized businesses can not finance or refinance in such an environment. A recovery propelled by business growth is impossible in the current debt environment. In 2006 63.4% of the U.S. population over 16 years of age was employed. Entering 2016, 59.5% of the population is employed. In constant dollars from 2006 to the present average hourly wages have remained at approximately $20.50 while real (inflation adjusted) mean household income of the middle quadrille has hovered at about $54,000 per annum. Poverty statistics as a ratio of the population from 2006 to 2016 have increased from about 16.8% to more than 19.5%. It is difficult to envision a consumer led exit from the U.S. economic malaise given these statistics. Finance is in the throws of a second “Big Short” for those of you who have seen the movie. Derivatives outstanding within American financial institutions have a face value of more than the world’s total financial assets. Don’t assume that these positions are being managed or regulated by folks smarter and more careful then those in control in 2007. They are not! The cracks are beginning to show and spread whilst the underlying banking assets, severely impaired previously, have yet to be marked to market. Financial institutions are not likely to lead the charge towards a growing economy. In fact, it is more likely we will see a repeat of “The Big Short” in the near future. Government – Helpless – After years of monetary manipulation which accomplished little or nothing the Fed continues to bumble along! There has been little fiscal stimulation and none on the horizon. Helpless!
It is unlikely America will lead the world out of the present morass. With Donald Trump heralded as a hero by the uneducated masses we have only ourselves to thank for the inept economic management of our country. Intelligent leadership seems a dream of the past.
What can China do? Nothing. China is in free-fall. Communist dictatorships are not and were never known for forward thinking in economically trying times. China arrests its businessmen, politicians et all (perhaps warranted), closes and manipulates markets, destroys it’s currency, overextends its credit markets in the hope of masking it’s economic catastrophe. It will not lead the world out of recession
Emerging nations? Totally dependent on selling natural recourses to China et al. No help there.
Europe? Perhaps the greatest catastrophe on the cusp of discovery. We know that Sovereign debt and bank finance are interdependent. We have seen evidence of that everywhere and evidence of the results when the interdependence breaks down such as in Cyprus and Greece. Neither Cyprus nor Greece is healed with Greece heading for another meaningful debacle. What goes unsaid, for now, is the tightrope the rest of Europe walks. The Southern nations – Italy, Spain and Portugal are on the line of no return with Portugal probably having crossed it. Northern Europe is not far behind with France closest on the heels of the four other significant impending failures. The seriousness of further European defaults to the world economy cannot be overemphasized. With one currency as one nation goes down the rest follow. Diverse currencies allow escapes not available to a large currency block such as the Euro. Compounding the problems of Europe are the long standing banking mores which obfuscate the depth of European banks’ illiquidity and careless lending policies, sometimes bordering on corruption. As regulations and, more so transparency, are enforced on the European banking community it will become apparent that all is not right in the States of Euroland. Prior to the “European Crisis” in, some say 2010 or 2011, practices in play in most banking institutions included reciprocity in lending (you wash my hand I wash yours, we protect each other’s back) - not possible after 2011, careless analysis and regulation as to quality of lending, lassitude as to tracking use of funds (lots of Euros wandered off to the pockets of favored parties), little or no tracking and follow up as to “friend’s loans”, no marks to market or, at least, delayed and inadequate marks against delinquent loans, the creation of vehicles to house gone bad loans which would reduce or eliminate the requirements for mark downs of the bank’s equity, outright conflict of interest and fraudulent transactions. The list is long and goes on but, suffice it to say, the European banking system is awash with mortal problems which are just beginning to surface and are unlikely to be concealed as effectively as in the U.S. – There are too many conflicting political interests within Euroland to preserve the silence of the pack ( the countries and banks themselves.) In the next to last chapter of the book which, I’m afraid, will come out subsequent to the impending crisis we will delineate in detail the methodology by which the many European banks function. It is a lively topic.
In conclusion, 2007-2008 is likely to be repeated in the foreseeable future. This time there are no engines of restoration on the horizon. The catalyst will not be the usual blah blah we read in the financial press. It will be the collapse of the financial structure of Europe, both Sovereign and private. World liquidity, which is strained today, will find its home at “zero”. The recovery will be long and painful.
January 12th, 2016
Until recently, that is how most government employees in the Democratic Republic of Congo were paid. But over the past three years the government has been urging civil servants to open bank accounts, to which their pay can be transferred directly. In the process, it is accelerating the spread of banking in an economy that, according to Michel Losembe, the bow-tied president of the Congolese Banking Association, is “not very far off barter”.
Few countries are as corrupt as Congo. A persistent national joke concerns a mythical “Article 15” of the constitution, which reads “Débrouillez-vous”—“You’re on your own”. Mobutu Sese Seko, a former strongman, used state funds to charter a Concorde to take him on shopping trips to Paris. By the time of his overthrow in 1997, graft was endemic. Government employees were not paid but rather expected to use their positions to make a living.
Civil war engulfed Congo in the 1990s and 2000s. As it wound down, government was rebuilt and money again began to flow out of Kinshasa, the capital, to roughly 1m functionaries in the rest of the country. But corruption did not disappear. Among the most prized government jobs was that of accountant: the people responsible for transporting bags of cash to the provinces to hand out to employees.
In 2012, however, the Congolese government started helping civil servants to open bank accounts. Around three-quarters of them—some 670,000 people—now have one. In the process, the government has weeded out tens of thousands of ghost employees, since the embezzlers who invented them could not open accounts in their names without a matching ID.
Yet in a vast country with fewer roads than Luxembourg, hardly anyone lives anywhere near a bank branch. So Congolese banks must now do the work the government accountants used to: shipping money to the back of beyond. Cash has to be transported to branches in regional capitals, and thence to account-holders on the backs of motorbikes, in canoes or by foot, explains Oliver Meisenberg, the German boss of Trust Merchant Bank, one of Congo’s biggest.
Bank staff with suitcases of cash make easy targets, just as they did in the west of America in the 19th century. Though they usually travel with army escorts, there have been at least ten armed robberies of bank employees since January, says Mr Losembe. One particularly brutal raid in September in South Kivu, in the wild east of the country, killed 13 people.
Congolese bankers hope that the new system will spur the growth of a proper banking sector. At the moment banks are little more than money-transfer companies, and not very sophisticated ones at that. The transfers tend to go only one way—out of Kinshasa—so cannot be netted against each other; instead cash almost always has to be moved physically. Depositors mistrust both banks and the Congolese franc. To attract dollar deposits, banks must pay at least 6% annual interest; rates for borrowers are generally as high as 25%. There is hardly any corporate lending beyond short-term overdraft facilities.
A decade ago there were just 50,000 bank accounts in the whole country, which has a population somewhere between 60m and 80m. Now there are 3m. As more employees get accounts, selling them loans and insurance, and moving them from cash to mobile transactions, becomes more realistic. In the meantime, actually receiving their salaries at all marks a big step forward for civil servants.
De Vos stelt de beschikbare statistiek in vraag en zou liever naar de evoluties binnen de gelaagdheid gaan kijken, trajecten van mensen binnen de arbeidsmarkt gaan onderzoeken. Enzovoort. In het Frans noemt men die tactiek 'brouiller les pistes'. Er zijn ook passages over genetisch determinisme, versterkt door contextuele variabelen.
Frank Vandenbroucke noemde in een gesprek voor Kanaal Z (20151119) het boek eenzijdig en herhaalt tweemaal 'het mankeert absoluut nuance'. FVDB poneert dat we - willen we armoede en ongelijkheid verminderen - aandacht moeten hebben voor onze kinderen. De Vos kon nauwelijks weerwerk bieden in de discussie, verloor de pedalen in zijn wirwar van nepargumenten en was zichtbaar blij dat de uitzending afliep. Itinera maakte een slechte beurt.
bekijk het gesprek hier
Economen - het zijn ook maar mensen - hebben de neiging mekaar tegen te spreken, al was het maar om te kunnen surfen op de deining die hun succesvolle collega (Piketty) heeft veroorzaakt. We vrezen dat het boek van De Vos met die bedoeling in elkaar is geknutseld.
Het is wellicht waar dat ongelijkheid van alle tijden is. Het is ook waar dat succes mag worden beloond. Het wordt echter een andere zaak als de rijken, de vermogenden, de grootverdieners via allerlei truuks hun bijdragen aan het inkomen van de staat trachten te minimaliseren. We hebben het hier over de belastingconstructies die o.a. LuxLeaks uitbracht. De staat kan dan niet de nodige middelen verzamelen om bijvoorbeeld kinderen via onderwijs uit de kansarmoede te halen. De superrijken kunnen daarentegen via privé en voortgezet onderwijs hun kinderen bijkomende kansen bieden.
Die redenering missen we bij De Vos. Hij mist totaal de trein door niet te willen inzien dat belastingen een directe impact hebben op de uitkering van dividenden. Belastingen noemt hij iets dat komt NA de bruto-inkomensvorming, terwijl de logica zegt dat belastingen inherent geworden zijn aan de strategie van bedrijven, trusts en concerns. De externe fiscale consultants zijn belangrijker geworden dan de financiële directie van een concern. De herverdelende correctiemechanismen die de staat via belastingen wil laten plaatsvinden worden door de 'global players' ontvlucht en dus gesaboteerd. De staat kan op die manier nog slechts de miserie proberen te managen. De vermogensaccumulatie is in die context pure diefstal en een daad van incivisme.
Het werk van Marc De Vos werd verkozen tot LIBERALES BOEK van 2015; dat zegt in dit geval meer over de kwaliteit van de jury dan over die van het boek.
Omdat er belangrijker boeken zijn dan dat van De Vos geven we hier een lijstje met de boeken van Anthony Atkinson:
Atkinson, Anthony B.; Harrison, Allan J. (1978). Distribution of personal wealth in Britain. Cambridge New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521217354.
Atkinson, Anthony B.; Stiglitz, Joseph E. (1980). Lectures on public economics. London New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co. ISBN 9780070841055.
Atkinson, Anthony B. (1983). The economics of inequality. Oxford Oxfordshire New York: Clarendon Press Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780198772088.
Atkinson, Anthony B. (1995). Incomes and the welfare state: essays on Britain and Europe. Cambridge New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521557962.
Atkinson, Anthony B. (1996). Public economics in action: the basic income/flat tax proposal. Oxford New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780198292166.
Atkinson, Anthony B. (1999). The economic consequences of rolling back the welfare state. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press. ISBN 9780262011716.
Atkinson, Anthony B.; Bourguignon, François (2000). Handbook of income distribution. Amsterdam New York: Elvesier. ISBN 9780444816313.
Atkinson, Anthony B; Stern, Nicholas H.; Glennerster, Howard (2000). Putting economics to work: volume in honour of Michio Morishima 22. London: London School of Economics and Political Science, and the STICERD – Suntory-Toyota International Centre for Economics and Related Disciplines. ISBN 9780753013991.
Atkinson, Anthony B. (2004). New sources of development finance. Oxford New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199278558.
Atkinson, Anthony B.; Piketty, Thomas (2007). Top incomes over the Twentieth Century: a contrast between Continental European and English-speaking countries. Oxford New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199286881.
Atkinson, Anthony B. (2008). The changing distribution of earnings in OECD countries. Oxford New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199532438.
Atkinson, Anthony B.; Piketty, Thomas (2010). Top incomes: a global perspective. Oxford New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199286898.
Atkinson, Anthony B. (2014). Public economics in an age of austerity. New York: Routledge. ISBN 9781138018150.
Atkinson, Anthony B. (2014). Inequality: What Can Be Done?. Harvard University Press. p. 384. ISBN 9780674504769.
Gepubliceerd op 8 nov. 2015
Ohio State University history Professor Robert Davis describes the White Slave Trade as minimized by most modern historians in his book Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters: White Slavery in the Mediterranean, the Barbary Coast and Italy, 1500–1800 (Palgrave Macmillan). Davis estimates that 1 million to 1.25 million white Christian Europeans were enslaved in North Africa, from the beginning of the 16th century to the middle of the 18th, by slave traders from Tunis, Algiers, and Tripoli alone (these numbers do not include the European people which were enslaved by Morocco and by other raiders and traders of the Mediterranean Sea coast), 16th- and 17th-century customs statistics suggest that Istanbul's additional slave import from the Black Sea may have totaled around 2.5 million from 1450 to 1700. The markets declined after the loss of the Barbary Wars and finally ended in the 1830s, when the region was conquered by France.
Hundreds of thousands of Europeans were captured by Barbary pirates and sold as slaves in North Africa and the Ottoman Empire between the 16th and 19th centuries. These slave raids were conducted largely by Arabs and Berbers rather than Ottoman Turks. However, during the height of the Barbary slave trade in the 16th and 17th centuries, the Barbary states were subject to Ottoman jurisdiction and ruled by Ottoman pashas. Furthermore, many slaves captured by the Barbary corsairs were sold eastward into Ottoman territories before, during, and after Barbary's period of Ottoman rule.
The Barbary Muslim pirates kidnapped Europeans from ships in North Africa’s coastal waters (Barbary Coast). They also attacked and pillaged the Atlantic coastal fishing villages and town in Europe, enslaving the inhabitants. Villages and towns on the coast of Italy, Spain, Portugal and France were the hardest hit. Muslim slave-raiders also seized people as far afield as Britain, Ireland and Iceland.
In 1544, the island of Ischia off Naples was ransacked, taking 4,000 inhabitants prisoners, while some 9,000 inhabitants of Lipari Island off the north coast of Sicily were enslaved.870 Turgut Reis, a Turkish pirate chief, ransacked the coastal settlements of Granada (Spain) in 1663 and carried away 4,000 people as slaves. In 1625, Barbary pirates captured the Lund Island in the Bristol Channel and planted the standard of Islam. From this base, they went ransacking and pillaging surrounding villages and towns, causing a stunning spectacle of mayhem, slaughter and plunder. According to Milton, ‘Day after day, they struck at unarmed fishing communities, seizing the inhabitants, and burning their homes. By the end of the dreadful summer of 1625, the mayor of Plymouth reckoned that 1,000 skiffs had been destroyed and similar number of villagers carried off into slavery.’871 Between 1609 and 1616, the Barbary pirates ‘captured a staggering 466 English trading ships.’
In 1627, Pirates went on a pillaging and enslaving campaign to Iceland. After dropping anchor at Reykjavik, his forces ransacked the town and returned with 400 men, women and children and sold them in Algiers. In 1631, he made a voyage with a brigand of 200 pirates to the coast of Southern Ireland and ransacked and pillaged the village of Baltimore, carrying away 237 men, women and children to Algiers.
The barbaric slave-raiding activities of the Muslim pirates had a telling effect on Europe. France, England, and Spain lost thousands of ships, devastating to their sea-borne trade. Long stretches of the coast in Spain and Italy were almost completely abandoned by their inhabitants until the nineteenth century. The finishing industry was virtually devastated.
Paul Baepler’s White Slaves, African Masters: An Anthology of American Barbary Captivity Narratives lists a collection of essays by nine American captives held in North Africa. According to his book, there were more than 20,000 white Christian slaves by 1620 in Algiers alone; their number swelled to more than 30,000 men and 2,000 women by the 1630s. There were a minimum of 25,000 white slaves at any time in Sultan Moulay Ismail’s palace, records Ahmed ez-Zayyani; Algiers maintained a population of 25,000 white slaves between 1550 and 1730, and their numbers could double at certain times. During the same period, Tunis and Tripoli each maintained a white slave population of about 7,500. The Barbary pirates enslaved some 5,000 Europeans annually over a period of nearly three centuries.
President Obama's State of the Union address as prepared for delivery on Jan. 20, 2015:
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:
Now, the truth is, when it comes to issues like infrastructure and basic research, I know there's bipartisan support in this chamber. Members of both parties have told me so. Where we too often run onto the rocks is how to pay for these investments. As Americans, we don't mind paying our fair share of taxes, as long as everybody else does, too. But for far too long, lobbyists have rigged the tax code with loopholes that let some corporations pay nothing while others pay full freight. They've riddled it with giveaways the superrich don't need, denying a break to middle class families who do.
This year, we have an opportunity to change that. Let's close loopholes so we stop rewarding companies that keep profits abroad, and reward those that invest in America. Let's use those savings to rebuild our infrastructure and make it more attractive for companies to bring jobs home. Let's simplify the system and let a small business owner file based on her actual bank statement, instead of the number of accountants she can afford. And let's close the loopholes that lead to inequality by allowing the top one percent to avoid paying taxes on their accumulated wealth. We can use that money to help more families pay for childcare and send their kids to college. We need a tax code that truly helps working Americans trying to get a leg up in the new economy, and we can achieve that together.
Published: January 2015
The essential “on the ground” report on the fastest-growing new threat in the Middle East from the Winner of the 2014 Foreign Affairs Journalist of the Year Award
Born of the Iraqi and Syrian civil wars, the Islamic State astonished the world in 2014 by creating a powerful new force in the Middle East. By combining religious fanaticism and military prowess, the new self-declared caliphate poses a threat to the political status quo of the whole region.
In The Rise of Islamic State, Patrick Cockburn (1950) describes the conflicts behind a dramatic unraveling of US foreign policy. He shows how the West created the conditions for ISIS’s explosive success by stoking the war in Syria. The West — the US and NATO in particular — underestimated the militants’ potential until it was too late and failed to act against jihadi sponsors in Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan.
Nulty rose to become the Most Reverend Bishop of Meath and was known as a fierce defender of the tenant rights of Irish tenant farmers throughout the 34 years that he served in that office from 1864 to 1898. Thomas Nulty is famed for his 1881 tract Back to the Land, wherein he makes the case for land reform of the Irish land tenure system. Nulty was a friend and supporter of the Irish nationalist Charles Stewart Parnell until Parnell's divorce crisis in 1889.
Dr. Thomas Nulty, who had attended the First Vatican Council in 1870, said his last mass on December 21, 1898.
To the Clergy and Laity of the Diocese of Meath:
Dearly Beloved Brethren,-
I venture to take the liberty of dedicating the following Essay to you, as a mark of my respect and affection. In this Essay I do not, of course, address myself to you as your Bishop, for I have no divine commission to enlighten you on your civil rights, or to instruct you in the principles of Land Tenure or Political Economy. I feel, however, a deep concern even in your temporal interests — deeper, indeed, than in my own; for what temporal interests can I have save those I must always feel in your welfare? It is, then, because the Land Question is one not merely of vital importance, but one of life and death to you, as well as to the majority of my countrymen, that I have ventured to write on it at all.
With a due sense of my responsibility, I have examined this great question with all the care and consideration I had time to bestow on it. A subject so abstruse and so difficult could not, by any possibility, be made attractive and interesting. My only great regret, then, is that my numerous duties in nearly every part of the Diocese for the last month have not left me sufficient time to put my views before you with the perspicuity, the order and the persuasiveness that I should desire. However, even in the crude, unfinished form in which this Essay is now submitted to you, I hope it will prove of some use in assisting you to form a correct estimate of the real value and merit of Mr. Gladstone’s coming Bill.
For my own part, I confess I am not very sanguine in my expectations of this Bill — at any rate, when it shall have passed the Lords. The hereditary legislators will, I fear, never surrender the monopoly in the land which they have usurped for centuries past; at least till it has become quite plain to them that they have lost the power of holding it any longer. It is, however, now quite manifest to all the world — except, perhaps, to themselves — that they hold that power no longer.
We, however, can afford calmly to wait. While we are, therefore, prepared to receive with gratitude any settlement of the question which will substantially secure to us our just rights, we will never be satisfied with less. Nothing short of a full and comprehensive measure of justice will ever satisfy the tenant farmers of Ireland, or put an end to the Land League agitation.
The people of Ireland are now keenly alive to the important fact that if they are loyal and true to themselves, and that they set their faces against every form of violence and crime, they have the power to compel the landlords to surrender all their just rights in their entirety.
If the tenant farmers refuse to pay more than a just rent for their farms, and no one takes a farm from which a tenant has been evicted for the non-payment of an unjust or exorbitant rent, then our cause is practically gained. The landlords may, no doubt, wreak their vengeance on a few, whom they may regard as the leaders of the movement; but the patriotism and generosity of their countrymen will compensate these abundantly for their losses, and superabundantly reward them for the essential and important services they have rendered to their country at the critical period of its history.
You know but too well, and perhaps to your cost, that there are bad landlords in Meath, and worse still in Westmeath, and perhaps also in the other Counties of this Diocese. We are, unfortunately, too familiar with all forms of extermination, from the eviction of a Parish Priest, who was willing to pay his rent, to the wholesale clearance of the honest, industrious people of an entire district. But we have, thank God, a few good landlords, too. Some of these, like the Earl of Fingal, belong to our own faith; some, like the late Lord Athlumny, are Protestants; and some among the very best are Tories of the highest type of conservatism.
You have always cherished feelings of the deepest gratitude and affection for every landlord, irrespective of his politics or his creed, who treated you with justice, consideration and kindness. I have always heartily commended you for these feelings.
For my own part, I can assure you, I entertain no unfriendly feelings for any landlord living, and in this Essay I write of them not as individuals, but as a class, and further, I freely admit that there are individual landlords who are highly honourable exceptions to the class to which they belong. But that I heartily dislike the existing system of Land Tenure, and the frightful extent to which it has been abused, by the vast majority of landlords, will be evident to anyone who reads this Essay through.
I remain, Dearly Beloved Brethren, respectfully yours,
BACK TO THE LAND
Our Land System Not justified by its General Acceptance.
Anyone who ventures to question the justice or the policy of maintaining the present system of Irish Land Tenure will be met at once by a pretty general feeling which will warn him emphatically that its venerable antiquity entitles it, if not to reverence and respect, at least to tenderness and forbearance.
I freely admit that feeling to be most natural and perhaps very general also; but I altogether deny its reasonableness. It proves too much. Any existing social institution is undoubtedly entitled to justice and fair play; but no institution, no matter what may have been its standing or its popularity, is entitled to exceptional tenderness and forbearance if it can be shown that it is intrinsically unjust and cruel. Worse institutions by far than any system of Land Tenure can and have had a long and prosperous career, till their true character became generally known and then they were suffered to exist no longer.
Human Slavery Once Generally Accepted.
Slavery is found to have existed, as a social institution, in almost all nations, civilised as well as barbarous, and in every age of the world, up almost to our own times. We hardly ever find it in the state of a merely passing phenomenon, or as a purely temporary result of conquest or of war, but always as a settled, established and recognised state of social existence, in which generation followed generation in unbroken succession, and in which thousands upon thousands of human beings lived and died. Hardly anyone had the public spirit to question its character or to denounce its excesses; it had no struggle to make for its existence, and the degradation in which it held its unhappy victims was universally regarded as nothing worse than a mere sentimental grievance.
On the other hand, the justice of the right of property which a master claimed in his slaves was universally accepted in the light of a first principle of morality. His slaves were either born on his estate, and he had to submit to the labour and the cost of rearing and maintaining them to manhood, or he acquired them by inheritance or by free gift, or, failing these, he acquired them by the right of purchase — having paid in exchange for them what, according to the usages of society and the common estimation of his countrymen, was regarded as their full pecuniary value. Property, therefore, in slaves was regarded as sacred, and as inviolable as any other species of property.
Even Christians Recognised Slavery.
So deeply rooted and so universally received was this conviction that the Christian religion itself, though it recognised no distinction between Jew and Gentile, between slave or freeman, cautiously abstained from denouncing slavery itself as an injustice or a wrong. It prudently tolerated this crying evil, because in the state of public feeling then existing, and at the low standard of enlightenment and intelligence then prevailing, it was simply impossible to remedy it.
Thus then had slavery come down almost to our own time as an established social institution, carrying with it the practical sanction and approval of ages and nations, and surrounded with a prestige of standing and general acceptance well calculated to recommend it to men’s feelings and sympathies. And yet it was the embodiment of the most odious and cruel injustice that ever afflicted humanity. To claim a right of property in man was to lower a rational creature to the level of the beast of the field; it was a revolting and an unnatural degradation of the nobility of human nature itself. (etc, see link)
Back to the land
The world top incomes database aims to providing convenient on line access to all the existent series. This is an ongoing endeavour, and we will progressively update the base with new observations, as authors extend the series forwards and backwards. Despite the database's name, we will also add information on the distribution of earnings and the distribution of wealth. As the map below shows, around forty-five further countries are under study, and will be incorporated at some point (see Work in Progress).
The first twenty-two country-studies have been included in two volumes edited by Anthony B. Atkinson and Thomas Piketty: Top Incomes over the Twentieth Century: A Contrast between Continental European and English-Speaking Countries (2007), and Top Incomes over the Twentieth Century: A Global Perspective (2010). They cover several European countries (France, Germany, Netherlands, Switzerland, UK, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Portugal, Spain, Italy), Northern America (United States and Canada), Australia and New Zealand, one Latin American country (Argentina), and five Asian countries (Japan, India, China, Singapore, Indonesia). South Africa, Mauritius, Tanzania, Denmark, Colombia, Malaysia, Uruguay, and Korea have been added to the list.
Link to WTID ...
Sophie Shevardnadze:Colonel, the 2003 war in Iraq was a reason you left the U.S. military after many years. Do you feel the roots of what’s happening now lie back then?
Ann Wright: Well, yes. In 2003 I did resign from the Federal government. I actually had order to retire from the military; I was a U.S. diplomat, and I was one of the three diplomats who resigned in opposition to the war in Iraq. And I do feel that there are so many similarities now, 11 years later with the issue that the Obama administration is bringing forward, and they are seeming intent that they will be using military force to resolve the further issues in Iraq, and perhaps even in Syria.
SS: But what I really meant was that… I’m talking about ISIS expansion and the will of the ISIS to create a caliphate. Do you think that, what’s going on right now, has to do something with the invasion in Iraq in 2003, or those are two separate things?
AW: I think they are two separate things. Certainly, the U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq has precipitated what we now see, 11 years later, with the growth of ISIS and other forces that initially came in to the region to battle with Assad in Syria, but are taking the opportunity with the disarray that came starting with the U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq. And then, the Al-Maliki government that has been so brutal towards the Sunnis in Iraq, that the ability of ISIS to move remarkably quickly, to gain territories in Syria and now in Iraq is very worrisome and dangerous.
SS: Now, president Obama has authorized deployment of additional 350 american troops to Iraq. Last month, the U.S. launched an aerial campaign against the Islamic State. Will any good come out of this?
AW: Well, the issue of the protection of the U.S. facilities in Baghdad and other cities of Iraq by U.S. military forces is one rational for the deployment of certain number of military folks. And then, the administration has already said that they will be sending in special forces to help train or re-train Iraq military to battle ISIS. And also, the use of CIA operatives up in the north, in northern Iraq and the Kurdish area of Iraq - one could argue that this does give the Iraqi military and the Kurdish Peshmerga a better opportunity to battle ISIS. One of the fears, though, is that the continuation of the U.S. providing U.S. military equipment will end up as we've seen what has happened now, when ISIS has overrun Iraqi military facilities and have taken U.S. military equipment that has been given to the Iraqi military. So, one of the great dilemmas is when you start funneling more military equipment into this type of situation, it may be turned up on you as we've seen - that equipment now being in hands of ISIS and being used to battle almost in one way the remnants of the Iraqi military.
SS: Steven Sotloff was the second journalist executed by the Islamic State. Let’s hear president Obama’s response to this:
OBAMA: And those who make a mistake of harming Americans will learn that we will not forget, and that our reach is long and that justice will be served.
SS: Now, the U.S. president has vowed to avenge the death of U.S. journalist and called for the war plan to be drawn up. Should there be further involvement?
AW: Well, indeed, it’s horrific what ISIS is doing, not only to the international media, to U.S. reporters that are being beheaded, but in even greater measure, what ISIS is doing to Iraqis and Syrians that they have captured. The wholesale murder, massacre of large numbers of Iraqi military and people in villages who have repelled or attempted to repel the ISIS military onslaught. There’s no doubt about it, ISIS is very brutal, terrible group of people who are rampaging across that area of the world.
SS: Well, yeah, but that’s my question - does the U.S. really have any other choice but to get involved and act in the face of these kidnappings?
AW: The people that have been kidnapped - I mean, the international folks have been in the hands of ISIS for quite a few months now. The beheadings of course are horrific, and as vice-president Biden has said...something about the “gates of hell” being opened; I think the administration certainly feels the pressure that something needs to be done about it, about this group of horrific people. Now, whether it is further american military on the ground - I suspect not, because the feeling in the U.S. is that we do not want our military involved in ground operations any further in Iraq or in Syria. However, I do believe that the types of pressure that can be put on groups that do support ISIS, that have allowed ISIS to purchase military equipment, that are working with ISIS to buy on the black market oil from the oil fields that ISIS has captured - I think that’s really where ultimately the pressure points are…
SS: Which groups are you talking about? Could you be more precise?
AW: If you look at who is behind the oil, who is behind the oil from those oil fields, where it is going, through what borders is it going - some of it is going up into Turkey, so you've got to put pressure on the Turkish government to stop the flow of oil; you've got to put pressure on the Turkish government to stop allowing these large groups of international fighters that have crossed the border from Turkey for the last several years. I would say, you have to put pressure on the Saudis: the Saudis have been pouring a large amounts of money, as have the governments of Kuwait and of Qatar, into various groups of the foreign fighters.
SS: But so had the Americans, I don’t think these are the only people that are funding the foreign fighters in Syria. Americans are the ones who are funding them just as much as are the Qataris or the Saudis…
AW: Yes, I totally agree with you on that; I do not believe that they are funding ISIS, the U.S. is funding other, what they think are more moderate groups that are fighting the Assad government, but the ones I was actually talking about were those that either by turning a blind eye, or by actually funneling money and weapons into ISIS are giving it the power to gain territory and hold it.
SS: So there’s my question - the U.S. has propped up many allies that it later had to confront. The likes of Al-Qaeda, or Taliban - do you feel like it contributed to the rise of ISIS in Syria as well - involuntarily, of course - by funding the rebels?
AW: Certainly, the instability that has been caused by the U.S., starting 10, 11 years ago, from 2003, with the U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq and earlier than that, the U.S. going in to Afghanistan after 9/11 - all of those events have triggered a large number of people from Arab and Muslim worlds, who have to the U.S.: “we don’t like what you’re doing in those areas”, and they have been coming in to Iraq and in Afghanistan and have been trained, and equipped and then have been available to go to other parts of the world, including Libya, to act as mercenaries for whomever wants to hire them.
SS:Now, if president Obama had launched a bombing campaign in Syria in 2013, do you think that could have stopped the rise of ISIS?
AW: One could argue that yes, bombing of not only ISIS but of other radical groups in Syria could perhaps have decimated some of their fighting force. However, the thing that people are very concerned about is that that in itself is drawing more of the foreign fighters to the fight, that indeed the U.S. bombing of Muslim fighters does draw in even more of the Muslim fighters.
SS: Just to wrap the subject of ISIS in Iraq - do you feeling like that Washington has the responsibility for the future of Iraq and what becomes of it?
AW: Part of the problem is, first, the initial invasion and occupation by the Bush administration; then, you have the Al-Maliki government that was… many people say that U.S. put that government in: Al-Maliki who brought in more Shia leaders and pushed out the Sunni leaders that should have been brought in to the government that was all-inclusive of all of the groups in Iraq. One could say that the U.S. has spent billions of dollars on the training and equipping Iraqi military and it folded against the force that was not nearly as large as it actually was. I personally, as a person that resigned initially over the theory that military force was going to resolve the issue of Saddam Hussein regime, I don’t believe that further use of our military is what ultimately going to resolve the issues in that region.
SS: Afghanistan is another unresolved issue - the U.S. troops may leave for good by the end of this year, but will the weak Afghan government be left to deal with the Taliban like Iraq was left to deal with ISIS, what do you think?
AW: You’re exactly right - here we have Afghanistan after 13 years that U.S. has been involved in there, and weak government, in fact, it is still disputed on who’s going to be the next president of the country. You have many of the people who were called warlord prior to the U.S. invasion, or the groups of people that the U.S. hired to work with it to push the Taliban and Al-Qaeda out, many of them with severe human rights abuses allegations to start with… I myself am not too optimistic that here, 13 years later and hundreds of billions of dollars later and the expenditure of tens of thousands if not hundreds of thousands of lives, that the future of Afghanistan is a stable secure country, where all groups will be treated honestly and fairly and that country will progress in a way that one would hope it would - I myself am not very optimistic about it.
SS: Now, ISIS is being called the “new Al-Qaeda”, but the actual Al-Qaeda has declared a new front in India. How do these groups fit together? Are we seeing expansion into new territory after ISIS took over the old “feeding grounds”?
AW: It’s kind of “targets of opportunity” it looks like that various groups are using. As ISIS fills into one area of Iraq and Syria and becomes the dominant force there, Al-Qaeda is looking for another place where it can stake its own territory. Certainly it had its inroads into Pakistan… It’s interesting here that they indeed have claimed that they are going to India.
SS: So, what are we going to see? Jihadist corporate rivalry unraveling?
AW: Indeed, “Jihadist inc.” When we really look at it, sadly, throughout the North Africa and the Middle East and then going on into South Asia, you do see the rise of various types of militant groups, to include not only Al-Qaeda, ISIS, Al-Nusra; you've got the Afghan Taliban, the Pakistani Taliban. It is a growth industry. You look also to Libya, where there are many groups, each fighting for different parts of the territory of the country, to the extent that the U.S. had to close its embassy there, because none of the locations where we had embassies or consulates are safe enough, in the opinion of the State Department, that we can leave our diplomats. So, it is a tragic function in this era, that we see the growth and expansion of these jihadist groups.
SS: You've mentioned earlier on in the program that the pressure should be put on groups that are actually helping ISIS to get money from the oil sales - it’s true that ISIS is raking in billions through things like oil. Could this movement be more about money than establishing a religious state?
AW: I think it certainly is a movement about money, it’s a very well-funded organisation, but from I gather, it is a group that is intent on establishing a geographical location for it’s beliefs, the caliphate that they talk about. They intent to hold territory and indeed they have, to the extent that they control major cities, that they are generating their own income through oil and I think it is going to be a challenge for the international community to go in and push them back from these established areas that they've had some of them for almost a year now.
SS: Israeli-Palestinian conflict is something that you've also spoken a lot about, spoken strongly against the Israeli offensive in Gaza. Is there any way that international pressure can push Israel into a genuine peace process?
AW: It’s a very good question. How the international community has pressured Israel - has been ineffective, mainly because it really hasn't used the full force that it has at its disposal. The U.S. itself could do much more to pressure Israel to stop the illegal settlements of which they have just announced that they are annexing a thousand acres of Palestinian land into Israel. The pressure to stop the occupation of the West Bank and to lift the siege of Gaza - these are things that have been demands of the Palestinians for the longest time. The U.S. is the greatest pressure point of Israel, because we give Israel almost $3 bn a year in military assistance alone, plus all sorts of economic incentives. The U.S. is allowing itself to be pressured by very large and well-funded Zionist lobby that works for the protection of the State of Israel, and works primarily in the U.S. Congress to threaten the U.S. Congress people that if they don’t vote for pro-Israeli issues then they will be turned out of office; we've seen that AIPAC, the American-Israeli Public Affairs committee, the big lobby for Israel, has been very effective at threatening and scaring and then trowing out of office people that say that they are going to look honestly at what’s happening there, and may support the Palestinian cause in cases.
SS: I want to talk a little bit about Hamas. You know how the appearance of ISIS with its deliberate focus on cruelty and no compromises, does it make you feel like it’s easier to treat groups like Hamas with more respect? As a matter of fact, you know, “we don’t negotiate with the terrorists” - that attitude is almost universal, but do you feel like maybe these days there are groups of terrorists that you can talk to and that slogan actually should change?
AW: Yes, I certainly think so, and the latest of this week, the Israeli propaganda is that “ISIS is Hamas, Hamas is ISIS” - well, that’s just not true. Hamas was elected as the governing body of Gaza. I don’t agree with the rockets that Hamas and other groups in Gaza have sent into Israel, but the level of violence that is between Palestinians and Israelis is overwhelmingly from the Israeli side towards the Palestinian side - there’s no doubt about that. Over 2000 Palestinians were killed versus 64 Israelis in this latest attack, and in 2009, fourteen hundred Palestinians versus 11 Israelis… Hamas does not have 24 hour drone coverage over Israel, it does not have F-16 that are bombing Israel every single day as is happening with the Israelis in their naval attacks and ground attacks, and air attacks on Gaza. So, there’s a very distinct difference in the level and the proportion of violence in there.
SS: Thank you so much for this wonderful interview. Colonel Ann Wright, U.S. veteran and former diplomat. We were talking about what brought upon the spread of ISIS and could it be contained, and also are there terrorists that we can talk to, and are there groups that we can’t. That’s it for this edition of Sophie&Co, we’ll see you next time.
Sir Ebenezer Howard (1850-1928) travelled to the USA and was inspired by the rebuilding of Chicago, as well as his interest in social welfare, to found the Garden City Association in 1899. Howard believed that the solution to overcrowding and poor conditions in modern industrial towns was to produce new planned communities which created a 'joyous union' of town and country. The goal of the garden city was to combine the attractions of town life with access to nature and a healthier lifestyle. The first of these communities, Letchworth Garden City, was established in the early 1900s, followed by Welwyn Garden City in the 1920s. This volume, first published in 1898, sets out Howard's utopian vision in full; explaining how a garden city would be financed, planned and administered. Energetic and conversational in style, this book is a charming introduction to Howard's ground-breaking and influential ideas.
When the Americans first came to settle in California, they were hungry for land. Driven by a desire for property, they dominated the complacent Mexican natives, successfully stripping them of their claim to this fertile farmland. Soon, these Californians were no longer squatters, but owners. Farming became an industry, not a passion, and success was measured in dollars only. Farms became larger and owners fewer.
As the dispossessed come to California, they bring with them a wild, desperate hunger for land. History had told them that when all land is held by a few, it is taken away. And when great masses are going hungry, while a few are well fed, there will be a revolt. In an effort to diffuse the strength of the migrant workers, the owners make laws, and law officials enforce them. Any man farming on a small strip of land is charged with trespassing, and squatter's camps — "Hoovervilles" — are closed and burned for being a threat to public health. Meanwhile, children in the Hoovervilles are dying from hunger while their parents pray for food. When the parents stop praying and start acting, the end for the owners will be near.
Together with Chapters 21 and 23, this chapter presents historical background on the development of land ownership in California, tracing the American settlement of the land taken from the Mexicans. Fundamentally, the chapter explores the conflict between farming solely as a means of profit making and farming as a way of life. Steinbeck criticizes the industrialization of farming in which a love of the land is replaced by a capitalist mentality. With the advent of this industrialization came a shift toward commercial farming. With the focus only on the moneymaking aspects of growth, the corporate farmers increasingly exploit immigrant and migratory workers who are willing to work for a low wage. Like the machines that pushed the sharecroppers off their land, these great landowners had "become through their holdings both more and less than men." A key image of agrarian sympathy is found in the patch of jimson weed. Here Steinbeck effectively illustrates the crimes committed by the frightened owners with a picture of a hungry migrant stealthily clearing a jimson weed patch so that he might grow a few vegetables to feed his family, only to have it gleefully destroyed by a local sheriff.
A distinct contrast is also made here between existing immigrant workers (the Chinese, Mexican, and Filipinos) and the recently arrived "Okies" who feel strongly that they are Americans. Perceiving themselves as coming from a similar background as the rest of the inhabitants of the Golden State, the "Okies" insist on similar rights. This knowledge that they deserve the same decencies as any other American citizens gives strength and credence to their demands and makes them appear more dangerous to the California natives.
The shocking attitude was revealed among 16 to 24-year-olds in a new survey of our nation’s view of violence against women.
One-sixth of all respondents believed that rapists are men who can’t control their sexual urges and a third thinks it’s a woman’s responsibilty to walk out if she is the victim of domestic violence.
Callum Hendry, campaign co-ordinator of White Ribbon Scotland, said the survey results showed drastic action was needed to address ignorant attitudes in Scotland.
He said: “The fact that almost one in four young people believe that a woman can be held responsible for being raped because of her clothing or for being drunk is a huge concern.
“We need to continue to deliver education messages that change this attitude.
“This type of victim blaming prevents women from coming forward for support. We just cannot allow that to continue – it is a disservice to all women.”
The research exposes dangerous myths that exist around the issue of violence against women, which was apparent in all age groups but particularly in youngsters.
Ten per cent of people thought that rapes were carried out by a stranger to the victim while in reality that happens in only eight per cent of cases.
This misinformed view doubled in the 16 to 24 age group.
The survey was designed as a snapshot of attitudes in Scotland, using just less than 2000 people from every local authority.
It is seven years since a similar analysis was conducted north of the border.
The research involved focus groups in Falkirk, Inverclyde and Edinburgh, two of which were with men under the age of 25 and two were conducted with men over 25.
White Ribbon was set up in 2010 to involve men in ending violence against women through education and campaigning.
In the focus groups it found, there was a consensus that “others” raped, not “normal” people and that they had to be “sick”.
The report said: “The idea that it is something abnormal or “sick” can lead people to believe that those around them are incapable of being violent towards women.
“This belief can easily lead to absolving rapists of responsibilty unless they fit a violent or “sick” stereotype, which, as we know, is not the case.
“Such attitudes create an environment in which victims may feel less able to come forward for support as they feel they will not be believed or receive the justice they deserve.”
A commonly held myth was that men raped because they couldn’t control their sexual urges.
The report said: “Believing men are unable to control themselves against subconscious sexual urges implies that they are not entirely accountable for their actions but rather are victims themselves to their needs.”
The truth is that rape is often about power and control over a victim and not about sexual urges.
Much of White Ribbon Scotland’s work exists to combat myths that can blame the victim rather than the perpetrator.
Some of the views in relation to domestic abuse were just as disturbing. A third believe it is a woman’s responsibility to leave an abusive relationship.
The report said this underestimates the trauma, the fear, control and difficulties faced by women in abusive relationships, which create significant obstacles in attempts to escape abuse.
But there was awareness that domestic violence was not only about physical abuse, with only eight per cent believing that was the case.
But 80 per cent thought alcohol and drugs caused men to be violent to their partners, which detracts from the abuser’s responsibilty for his actions and the fact that domestic violence is about maintaining power and control over victims.
Lily Greenan from Scottish Women’s Aid said she was encouraged that respondents realised that domestic abuse could be mental and verbal torture, not just physical abuse.
But she said: “Victim blaming stops women reporting it. It stops them from seeking support and it stops them from getting justice. We need to work with young people to change the question from ‘Why does she stay?’ to ‘Why does he abuse?’.”
When asked if the purchase of sex or sexual images can create harmful attitudes towards women, two-thirds agreed it did. Linda Thompson from The Women’s Support Project said she was heartened to find most people agreed that prostitution and pornography were damaging.
She said: “This highlights that men and women are aware of the wider potential cultural impact of the opportunity to buy sexual activity from, and view sexual images of, women on how women are viewed and treated.”
The report also gives a fascinating insight into how society views masculinity – there was still a view of men as being stereotypically macho.
Seven in 10 associated the word “control” with men, eight in 10 said they were expected be physically strong and two-thirds said they should be viewed as powerful.
Yet only three in every hundred thought they should be emotional and five per cent thought they should be sensitive.
The report said: “This narrow view of masculinity is reflected in the difference in how young boys and girls are spoken to as they grow up, and even in how products are marketed.
“The emphasis on physical strength and the lack of emphasis of sensitivity may influence how men behave in relationships and towards women.”
Almost 90 per cent of people agreed that sexual inequality contributes to a society where violence against women is acceptable.
And 97 per cent said everyone in society shared a duty in ending violence against women.
The report recommends that campaigning on issues such as gender gaps in pay and sexual inequality could help change the attitudes that perpetuate violence.
It suggests parents should be targeted to encourage them to educate children about sexual inequality, preventing violence and sexual consent.
It also emphasises the need to redefine its definition of masculinity and encourage men to stand up against violence and change controlling behaviour.
Read the full report here
(Moscow) – The Azerbaijani government should immediately end a hostile campaign of intimidation against writer Akram Aylisli. Aylisli recently published a controversial novel depicting relationships between ethnic Azeris and Armenians in Azerbaijan.
Foreign governments and intergovernmental organizations of which Azerbaijan is a member should speak out against this intimidation campaign. They should urge the authorities to immediately investigate those responsible for threats against Aylisli, and to respect freedom of expression.
“The Azerbaijani authorities have an obligation to protect Akram Aylisli,” said Hugh Williamson, Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Instead, they have led the effort to intimidate him, putting him at risk with a campaign of vicious smears and hostile rhetoric.”
Aylisli, a member of the Union of Writers of Azerbaijan since the Soviet era, is the author of Stone Dreams. The novel includes a description of violence by ethnic Azeris against Armenians during the 1920s, and at the end of the Soviet era, when the two countries engaged in armed conflict. Aylisli told Human Rights Watch that he saw the novel as an appeal for friendship between the two nations. The novel was published in Friendship of Peoples, a Russian literary journal, in December 2012.
Azerbaijan and Armenia fought a seven-year war over Nagorno-Karabakh, a primarily ethnic Armenian-populated autonomous enclave in Azerbaijan. Despite a 1994 ceasefire, the conflict has not yet reached a political solution. Against the background of the unresolved nature of the conflict, Aylisli’s sympathetic portrayal of Armenians and condemnation of violence against them caused uproar in Azerbaijan. An escalating crescendo of hateful rhetoric and threats against Aylisli started at the end of January 2013, culminating in a February 11 public statement by Hafiz Hajiyev, head of Modern Musavat, a pro-government political party. Hajiyev publicly said that he would pay AZN10,000 [US$12,700] to anyone who would cut off Aylisli’s ear.
“Azerbaijan’s authorities should immediately investigate and hold accountable anyone responsible for making threats against Aylisli, and ensure his personal safety,” Williamson said.
On January 29, officials from the Yeni Azerbaijan, Azerbaijan’s ruling party, publicly called on Aylisli to withdraw the novel and ask for the nation’s forgiveness. Aylisli told Human Rights Watch that two days later, a crowd of about 70 people gathered in front of his home, shouting “Akram, leave the country now,” and “Shame on you”, and burned effigies of the author. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that police were present but made no effort to disperse the crowd. No damage was done to Aylisli’s home.
In a speech about Aylisli’s book, a high level official from Azerbaijan’s presidential administration said that, “We, as the Azerbaijani people, must express public hatred toward these people," a comment that appeared aimed at Aylisli.
During a February 1 session, some members of Azerbaijan’s parliament denounced Aylisli, called for him to be stripped of his honorary “People’s Writer” title and medals, and demanded that he take a DNA test to prove his ethnicity. On February 7, President Ilham Aliyev signed a decree stripping Aylisli of the title, which he had held since 1998, and cutting off his presidential monthly pension of AZN1000 [US$1,270], which he had drawn since 2002. Aylisli learned of the presidential decree from television news.
In the wake of the public vitriol, Aylisli’s wife and son were fired from their jobs. On February 4, a senior officer at Azerbaijan’s customs agency forced Najaf Naibov-Aylisli, Aylisli’s son, to sign a statement that he was “voluntarily” resigning from his job as department chief. Aylisli told Human Rights Watch his son had received no reprimands during his 12 years on job.
“My son had nothing to do with politics,” Aylisli said. “In fact he always advised me not to write about politics and never agreed with my political views.”
On February 5, Aylisli’s wife, Galina Alexandrovna, was forced to sign a “voluntary” statement resigning from her job at a public library, following an inspection announced several days before.
Public book burnings of Aylisli’s works, some organized by the ruling party, have taken place in several cities in Azerbaijan.
“The government of Azerbaijan is making a mockery of its international obligations on freedom of expression,” Williamson said. “This is shocking, particularly after Azerbaijani officials flocked to Strasbourg last month to tout the government’s human rights record at the Council of Europe.”
The European Court of Human Rights has issued numerous rulings upholding the principle that freedom of speech also protects ideas that might be shocking or disturbing to society. In a judgment handed down against Azerbaijan, in a case that dealt speech related to the Nagorno Karabakh conflict, the court said, “[F]reedom of information applie[s] not only to information or ideas that are favorably received, but also to those that offend, shock or disturb.”
12 Apr 2011
Statoil, BP and Sonatrach have signed a USD 1.15 billion engineering, procurement and construction (EPC) contract with Petrofac International (UAE) in Algiers for the execution of the In Salah Southern Fields development project. The EPC contract is part of the phase two development of the In Salah licence. For Development and Production International the project marks an important step towards maturing barrels for profitable production.
The three gas fields – Krechba, Teg and Reg – located in the northern part of the licence, were initially developed in phase one, with the objective of delivering a production profile of nine billion cubic metres of gas annually. This phase started in late 2001, and first commercial gas was delivered in July 2004. Based on the expected decline of gas production from these three fields, phase two of the development has now implemented to maintain the production plateau and sustain long-term gas sales commitments. It consists of four gas fields – Garet El Bifna, Gour Mahmoud, In Salah and Hassi Moumene – in the southern part of the licence.
Under the EPC contract Petrofac will build a number of facilities – including well pads, manifolds, flowlines, and a new central processing facility (CPF) with a gas processing capacity of 17 million cubic metres per day. The CPF will be constructed north of In Salah town and tied back to the existing producing facilities located in Reg for further transport of the gas to Krechba CPF for carbon dioxide removal and gas export.
In his speech, Victor Sneberg, Statoil's country president in Algeria, stated his expectation to Petrofac to deliver on time, cost and schedule.
First gas from the Southern Fields development project is expected for the first half of 2014. Gas produced from In Salah is marketed by joint marketing company 'In Salah Gas Limited' – an association between Sonatrach, BP and Statoil. The three partners in the In Salah license have investment shares of 35% (Sonatrach), 33.15% (BP) and 31.85% (Statoil), respectively.
TURKEY: Religious communities need fundamental reform of Constitution
By Dr. Otmar Oehring, head of the human rights office of Missio
Long-running attempts to improve the Law on Foundations are not the way to introduce true individual and collective religious freedom in Turkey, argues Otmar Oehring of the German Catholic charity Missio http://www.missio-aachen.de/menschen-kulturen/themen/menschenrechte . Only some religious minorities are allowed such foundations, while foundations that do exist are subject to intrusive government interference. In this personal commentary for Forum 18 News Service http://www.forum18.org, Dr Oehring maintains that Turkey needs instead to tackle the fundamental problem of the lack of religious freedom. This can best be done, he contends, by both changing the Constitution and bringing in an accompanying law to concretely introduce the full individual and collective religious freedom rights spelled out in the European Convention on Human Rights.
Turkey's Law on Foundations plays a central role in the country's religious freedom situation, as it directly affects religious communities' ownership of property. Proposed amendments to the Law – which includes provisions governing "community foundations" for non-Muslim religious/ethnic communities – are facing a tortuous process. It is not even clear if the Ankara parliament will ever approve them. First discussed in late 2002 under the government led by Abdullah Gul in response to pressure from the European Union to bring the Turkey's legal provisions into line with European practices on human rights, discussion has continued under the government of Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
As it became increasingly clear that it would be impossible to streamline the existing Law on Foundations, a draft of a new Law was finally prepared including provisions governing "community foundations" for non-Muslim religious communities. But once again these provisions do not satisfy the concerned groups as the amendments they proposed have not been included. Meanwhile the draft was sent to the relevant commission of parliament in May 2005, which was due to decide on the draft before summer this year. This however has not happened up to now.
The changes being proposed would be important for those non-Muslim communities which have "community foundations", such as the Armenian Catholic, Armenian Apostolic, Armenian Protestant, Bulgarian Orthodox, Chaldean Catholic, Georgian Catholic, Greek Catholic, Greek Melkite Orthodox, Jewish, Syrian Catholic, Syrian Orthodox and Syrian Protestant. In theory any improvement to the Foundations Law would allow them to keep the property they currently hold (often rather precariously) and recover property taken from them over the past seventy years.
Although in the past there were several hundred such foundations for non-Muslim communities owning thousands of properties, the government's Directorate-General for Foundations now says 160 are recognised by the state (compared to the 208 recognised by the state in 1948). The fate of the remainder and the property they administered remains unclear.
The existing Foundations Law is limited as it covers only some non-Muslim minority communities. The Roman Catholic Church, Protestant Churches (whether historical Churches or free Evangelical congregations), Jehovah's Witnesses, Baha'is and other non-Muslim groups have no such foundations – and are unlikely to be allowed to have any.
Two examples illustrate the complexity of the current situation. The Syrian Catholic Church does not have a community foundation (cemaat vakif) in Istanbul but a foundation in accordance with civil law. This had never before been seen in Turkey, because at the time it was founded, a foundation with a religious purpose could not be set up (see F18News 12 October 2005 http://www.forum18.org/Archive.php?article_id=670). So Syrian Catholics in Turkey now have one foundation in Istanbul founded under the Civil Code, and a number of community foundations in the south-east of Turkey.
In December 2000 the Altintepe Protestant Church in Istanbul gained foundation status, which was confirmed by the Supreme Court. However this is not to the liking of the Directorate-General for Foundations, which cannot overturn a Supreme Court decision to grant foundation status, but which has since blocked foundation applications from at least two other Protestant churches.
Yet more fundamentally than the individual cases of some communities, I believe that trying to change the Foundation Law – even by trying to include at least all non-Muslim religious communities within its scope – is not the way to go to introduce full religious freedom into Turkey. The whole legal framework governing religion has to be changed.
Most crucially, the country's Constitution needs to be changed. At present, its Article 24 covering religion is so narrowly drawn that it protects only the right to worship. It includes no guarantees about the freedom to change one's faith or to join together with others in religious communities. No guarantee is given of religious communities' rights to organise themselves freely as they choose, to own property directly, to have legal recognition or to train their own personnel.
The Constitution must include a paragraph in line with Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), which guarantees full religious freedom. As the article notes, this right includes freedom for individuals to change religion or belief "and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief, in worship, teaching, practice and observance". As well as a constitutional change guaranteeing full individual and collective religious freedom rights, a law is needed explaining this in practice.
The European Commission, in its recent Proposal for the Accession Partnership 2005, specified the following measures for Turkey to take:
"Freedom of religion
– Adopt a law comprehensively addressing all the difficulties faced by non-Muslim religious minorities and communities in line with the relevant European standards.
Suspend all sales or confiscation of properties which belong or belonged to non-Muslim religious community foundations by the competent authorities pending the adoption of the above law.
– Adopt and implement provisions concerning the exercise of freedom of thought, conscience and religion by all individuals and religious communities in line with the European Convention on Human Rights and taking into account the relevant recommendations of the Council of Europe's Commission against Racism and Intolerance.
– Establish conditions for the functioning of these communities, in line with the practice of Member States. This includes legal and judicial protection of the communities, their members and their assets, teaching, appointing and training of clergy, and the enjoyment of property rights in line with Protocol No 1 to the European Convention on Human Rights." (See http://europa.eu.int/comm/enlargement/report_2005/pdf/package_ii/com_559_final_en_tr_partnership.pdf)
If the Constitution was changed and a law was passed that together guaranteed full individual and collective religious freedom rights, it would be very simple to grant religious communities and their entities legal status (something which does not exist at present). There would then no longer be a need for the peculiar arrangements of the Foundations Law.
The government has been reluctant to resolve existing problems caused by the regulations governing community foundations, as it fears it might have to return all the properties seized from Christian and Jewish community foundations since the 1930s. A wave of seizures occurred after 1936, when an inventory of property was drawn up, and again after a controversial 1974 Court of Appeal ruling that all property acquired by community foundations since 1936 was illegally owned. Many of these confiscated properties are now being used by the state for other purposes, but many more have been sold by the state. Some of these seized properties were places of worship, but most were community-owned schools, hospitals or land whose income supported the communities.
The government cannot kill off the proposed amendments to the Foundations Law, as it would risk killing off any chance of moving forward on EU accession. But the main problem remains that the state is unwilling to have to return all these properties and fears that, if properties in the hands of third-parties could not realistically be returned, it would have to offer perhaps substantial compensation. It fears any amended Foundations Law might force it to do so.
Although Turkish-based and international lawyers working with Turkey's non-Muslim religious communities are looking at the proposed amendments and pointing out legal problems with the current draft, they also argue strongly that this is dealing with the wrong issue. They complain that the proposed changes are still predicated on the myth that such foundations only existed because of the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne and that only those communities which had foundations then can have them now.
Because religious communities in themselves cannot get legal status (in theory the Law on Associations does allow it, though courts are unlikely to accept this in practice), they cannot own any property. Someone who does not exist cannot own property. As long as religious communities like the Alevi Muslims, Roman Catholics, Protestants, Baha'is and Jehovah's Witnesses have no legal status they cannot organise themselves administratively (they cannot even run bank accounts), and this even impacts on them spiritually. Moreover, the state can interfere at any time.
A further problem with the question of recognition of churches or religious groups a
Hoofdrolspeelster Charlize Theron en voornaamste bijrolspeelster Frances McDormand werden beide genomineerd voor zowel een Academy Award maar tijdens de prijsuitreiking op 6 maart 2006 konden deze nominaties niet verzilverd worden. Verder waren er nominaties voor een Golden Globe, een Bafta Award, een Screen Actors Guild Award, een Satelite Award en een BFCA Critics Choice Award. McDormand won de Las Vegas Film Critics Society Award voor haar rol.
De film was commercieel niet erg succesvol, maar vertoningen ervan in het Amerikaanse Congres hebben er volgens de producent toe bijgedragen dat de "Violence Against Women Act" in 2006 succesvol hernieuwd werd.
Vandaag: "Blanke koning, rood rubber, zwarte dood, deel 1"
In de ban van wat ontdekkingsreiziger Henry Morton Stanley hem vertelt, roept Leopold II de christelijke wereld op een einde te maken aan het kannibalisme en de slavenhandel in het Hart van Afrika. Onder het mom van ontwikkelingshulp en missionering maakt Leopold van Kongo binnen de kortste keren een gigantische investeringsmaatschappij waarvan hij zich alle aandelen toe-ëigent. Hij creëert een vrijstaat en krijgt de grote mogendheden zover dat zij de staat erkennen met hemzelf als superviserend zaakwaarnemer. Maar algauw komen er verhalen over uitbuiting en mishandeling van de plaatselijke bevolking. De verhalen zijn verschrikkelijk, de internationale verontwaardiging enorm. Hooghartig laat Leopold de storm van kritiek over zich heengaan. Pas als de vraag naar Kongolees rubber enigszins luwt en internationale commissies te nieuwsgierig enquêteren over de gang van zaken in zijn Afrikaanse privé-domein besluit hij Kongo te laten annexeren door België. Het wordt de zaak van zijn leven. De koning beurt 50 miljoen goudfrank schadevergoeding en nog eens vijftig miljoen voor de overname.
Blanke koning, rood rubber, zwarte dood. Deel 1 - uitzending 1 april 2004
Met "Blanke koning, rood rubber, zwarte dood" brengt Histories een documentaire in twee afleveringen die op basis van reconstructies en archiefmateriaal het hallucinante verhaal vertellen van het schrikbewind dat er naam van de Westerse beschaving in Congo Vrijstaat, het privé-bezit van de Belgische koning Leopold II, werd gevoerd.
In de ban van de verhalen van ontdekkingsreiziger Henry Morton Stanley, roept Leopold II de christelijke wereld op een einde te maken aan het kannibalisme en de slavenhandel in Afrika. Hij weet de naties ertoe te bewegen lid te worden van een filantropische organisatie waarvan hij de voorzitter is en die tot doel heeft de Kongolezen te beschaven en te bevrijden.
Er moeten missionarissen en onderwijzers naar Congo worden gestuurd, troepen om de Arabische slavendrijvers te bestrijden en balen katoen om de zwarten aan te kleden. De Duitse kanselier Bismarck doet het initiatief meteen af als "pure zwendel". Binnen de kortste keren maakt Leopold van Congo een gigantische investeringsmaatschappij waarvan hij zich alle aandelen toeeigent. Hij krijgt de grote mogendheden zover dat zij de staat erkennen met hemzelf als superviserend zaakwaarnemer. Tussen 1896 en 1906 houdt hij aan zijn Afrikaanse privé-bezit een fabelachtig vermogen over. "Een sjacheraar in ivoor en rubber," noemt de Duitse keizer Wilhelm II hem. De Amerikaanse schrijver Mark Twain vergelijkt de Belgische koning met Atilla de Hun, Ghengis Khan, Torquemada en Ivan de Verschrikkelijke.
Missionarissen geven het eerste alarmsignaal. De Britse consul en spion Roger Casement zorgt voor internationale opschudding met gruwelverhalen over gefolterde of doodgeslagen slaven, verkrachte vrouwen, armpjes van afgehakte armen, baby's die voor de krokodillen worden gegooid en overbodige oudjes die samen met de Kongolese dorpen in brand worden gestoken. Vooral de Britten, die zich verbijten omdat zij de goudmijn Kongo aan hun neus hebben laten voorbijgaan, uiten hun afschuw.
"Laten we niet proberen alle misdaden van Leopold op te sommen. De lijst is eindeloos," schrijft Edward Morel, voorzitter van de Kongo Reform Association in de West African Mail. "De gevreesde schaduw van de koning ligt over zijn Vrije Congostaat. Het is een reusachtig knekelveld. Het is een onvoorstelbare gedachte dat dit het werk is van één man: Leopold II. Zijn macht is absoluut. Hij had de misdaden kunnen verhinderen, alleen door ze te verbieden. Hij had er vandaag een eind aan kunnen maken door één woord te spreken. Hij vertikte het. Omwille van het geld."
Although my own interest in this particular study stems more from concern for politics in the Congo than from any sustained involvement in bilateral diplomacy between the United States and Belgium, I nevertheless discovered here much useful background information. Jonathan E. Helmreich's work is a study of the high-level bilateral diplomatic negotiations between the two states during the twenty years between 1940 and 1960. Unfortunately, however, this diplomatic focus does not provide readers with a broadly based study of political, cultural, and economic interactions between the United States and Belgium. At its best, this is a competent diplomatic history; at worst, it is a frustrating exercise that confronts readers with some of the limitations of classic diplomatic history.
UNITED STATES RELATIONS WITH BELGIUM AND THE CONGO, 1940–1960, Jonathan E. Helmreich. This comprehensive study of United States-Belgo diplomatic ties focuses on the small power-superpower relationship and the Congo's effect upon it. Consideration is given to the U.S. purchase of Congolese uranium and the fairness of the compensation paid, Belgium's assistance to U.S. efforts to encourage European integration, and the coming of independence in the Congo. Belgium's participation in NATO, trade of Congo goods, and American policy toward UN action in the Congo are also discussed.
(summary) For the third consecutive year, Belgian politics was to a large extent dominated by the aftermath of the Dutroux-pedophile case. The political world was under pressure to reform the judiciary and the police-forces, as these had shown lack of competence in this case. The pressure mounted after Dutroux' brief escape on April 23rd, which caused the resignation of the ministers of Interior (Van de Lanotte) and of Justice (De Clerck). Dutroux' escape, however, reunited the majority and the opposition parties to make a deal on the reforms of the judiciary and the police-forces (the Octopus-agreements).
The aftermath of Dutroux' escape, and the Octopus-agreements overshadowed the entry of Belgium into the EMU. It also made an end to the everlasting speculations about snap elections.
From autumn 1998 onwards, most attention was paid to the policy on asylum and the Agusta/Dassault trial. The dead of a Nigerian refugee during her forced repatriation caused the resignation of deputy prime minister Tobback, and a limited adjustment of the procedure to grant asylum. In December 1998, the Court of Cassation convicted the politicians that were charged in the Agusta/Dassault-bribery cases.
Other important issues in 1998 were the policy on employment, the right to vote for non-Belgian citizens and disputes on the implementation of the language-laws in communities with a special linguistic status.
Review score: ** out of *****
The development of the atomic bomb by the Allies during the Second World War was one of the critical events in human history. The world today would be unimaginable if the Nazis had developed the bomb first and then used it on London.
The fact that history did not follow this dark and horrifying course has been the subject of a great deal of study. Before World War II, German science, especially physics, was preeminent. The Allies knew that Werner Heisenberg, one of the great scientific minds of the twentith century, was the head of the German nuclear effort. During the war, those working on the Manhattan project, many of whom had known Heisenberg and his colleagues before the war, were convinced that they were in a close race with the Germans to develop an atomic bomb. As the Allies advanced on Germany, the Alsos Mission, whose scientific director was Samuel Goudsmit, was sent to Europe to gain information about the progress of the German nuclear efforts. In France, at the University of Strasbourg, Goudsmit was able to examine the papers left behind by one of Heisenberg's colleagues, Carl Friedrich Von Wezsacker. Goudsmit discovered that the Germans had made little progress toward the construction of an atomic bomb. In fact, as it turned out, the Germans had made little progress obtaining a fission chain reaction and they never constructed a working nuclear reactor, which is the first step to producing plutonium for nuclear weapons.
Why, when the Germans seemed to have such a head start, did they make so little progress toward an atomic bomb? After the war, Von Wezsacker, who took a position at the Max Planck Institute, claimed that the German nuclear project made so little progress because their heart was not in it. They did not want Hitler to have the bomb. In fact, Von Wezsacker condemed the allies for constructing such a horrible weapon, when the Germans were, he claimed, only working on a nuclear reactor for power generation.
In Thomas Powers' 1993 book Heisenberg's War: The Secret History of the German Bomb, Powers makes a similar argument about Heisenberg's motivations. According to Powers' account, although Heisenberg was offered prestigious research positions in the United States, he chose to stay in Germany and share the "German fate". But he never really wanted Nazi Germany to have the atomic bomb.
After the Nazi defeat, ten physicists, including Heisenber, Von Weizsacker and Otto Hahn (who later won the Nobel prize as the co-discoverer of nuclear fission) were interned for six months at an English estate known as Farm Hall, located near Cambridge. By collecting the major players in German nuclear physics, the British and Americans kept them out of the hands of the Russians. They also made sure that until the atomic bomb was used, atomic information would be kept largely in American hands. While at Farm Hall the German scientists were well treated and probably ate better than their families back in Germany.
At Farm Hall each of them was assigned a prisoner-of-war batman to look after his needs. There was a tennis court and a piano for Heisenberg. the bedrooms were paneled and the food was good. What none of them seem to have realized, at least initially, was that the estate had been wired to record conversations.
Selected conversations were transcribed and circulated to British and American officials, including General Leslie Groves, who headed the Manhattan project. Although the existence of the Farm Hall transcripts had been known of for some time, it was not until early 1992 that they were finally made available to the public. In Hitler's Uranium Club Jeremy Bernstein provides an edited and annotated version of these transcripts. Bernstein also provides a detailed prologue, which discusses the history of the German bomb and his interpretation of the transcripts.
The Farm Hall transcripts, taken in conjunction with captured German documents, paints a very different picture than the one put forth by Von Weizacker and in Powers' Heisenber's War. The leading scientists in Germany had the opportinity to accept positions in America, before America entered the war. Those who remained in Germany fell into one of three catagories: they were Nazis, like Nobel Prize winner Johannes Stark, they could not leave, for what ever reason, or they were selectively blind to the regime around them and its implications. This did not mean that they were ignorant of Nazi terror and murder.
Heisenberg: During the war I had five calls for help in cases where people were murdered by our people. One was Soloman, Hoffman's son-in law. I could do nothing in his case as he had already been killed when I got the letter. The second one was Cousyns the Belgian cosmic ray man; he disappeared in a Gestapo camp and I couldn't even find out through Himmler's staff whether he was alive or dead. I presume he is dead too. Then there was the mathematician Cammaille; I tried to do something about him through Sethel but it was no good he was shot. Then from among the Polish professors there was a logistician with a Jewish name --- and then with the other Poles the following happened: his name was Schouder, a mathematician. He had written to me and I had put out feelers in order to see what could be done. I wrote to Scholz who had something to do with Poland. [...] I heard nothing more about Schouder and I have now been told that he was murdered.
The evidence of the Farm Hall transcripts is morally damning. Heisenberg and his colleagues knew about the murder going on around them, but they still worked on the German nuclear program. They did not build a nuclear weapon because they did not know how. Although Heisenberg was a gifted theoretical physicist, it was widely known at the time that he was a poor experimentalist and he had no experience with large scale scientific projects. Heisenberg and his colleagues also made several critical mistakes early in the project. For example, they tried using graphite as a nuclear moderator. However, the graphite was impure and absorbed neutrons, rather than slowing them down, which is necessary for the controlled nuclear fission in a reactor. Heisenberg also insisted on using reactor designs that worked well on the chalk board, but were experimentally a disaster. The Farm Hill transcripts and related documents do not point to any evidence that Heisenberg and his colleagues knew how to build a working reactor and but chose not to for moral reasons.
The American nuclear program consumed two billion dollars, which at that time was a vast sum of money. Tens of thousands of people worked on the design and manufacture of the first nuclear weapons, although a much smaller number actually know what they were building. In contrast the German effort was miniscule. In part this was because until the German army started to bog down on the Easter Front, they thought that the war was won. No "super weapons" were needed. Later in the war, the German scientists told officials that the construction of a nuclear bomb could not be completed in the near term. This was not because they were misleading their Nazi masters, but because this was what they actually believed. After the bomb was dropped on Hiroshima and it became clear that the Americans were far ahead of the Germans, Heisenberg and his colleagues were shocked.
Bernstein is one of the best popular science writers and I have enjoyed several of his books. He is a professor of physics at the Stevens Institute of Technology and he does a good job of explaining the technical problems encountered constructing a nuclear weapon. For the general reader, the most interesting part of Hitler's Uranium Club will be Bernstein's prologue. Although Bernstein has annotated and classified the Farm Hall transcripts, I found that they make tedious reading, and skimmed them. But for the serious student this book will be an important resource.
Ian Kaplan - 4/96
ARABS & ISRAEL FOR BEGINNERS, by Ron David
Illustrated by Susan David
Writers and Readers Publishing, Inc.
New York, 1993. 210 pp.
Ron David begins Arabs and Israel for Beginners by explaining that he wants to let the reader know "where his book is heading. That way, if you consider it despicable, you can leave it in the bookstore." David's embattled stance is understandable because his book challenges the popular, pro-Israeli version of the Israeli-Arab conflict. In his view, the Palestinian Arabs, who had populated Palestine for many generations before the Jewish settlers began to arrive in the tens of thousands in the late nineteenth century, were robbed of their country by the successful Zionist effort to create a Jewish state there. Ron David's book is an attempt to tell the "real" story of the struggle for Palestine stripped of Zionist mythology which misrepresents the essential elements of how the Pales tinians lost their land.
In his review of the history of the Middle East, the author reminds us that the name "Israel" comes from Genesis in the Old Testament when Jacob changed his name to Israel after fighting with an angel and that from Jacob's twelve sons came the twelve tribes of Israel. He explains that the name Canaan, meaning "land of purple" came from the precious purple dyes that were traded in the Mediterrane an coastal plain. The author suggests an explanation for the biblical story that the Jews spent forty years in the desert after escaping from Egypt. When Moses sent spies out to the land of Canaan "their report was discouraging: 'It's full of people.'" So the Jews waited in the desert until they were strong enough militarily to conquer the native inhabitants.
The author presents a useful "Summary of Jewish Countries in the Middle East" detailing the Jewish Kingdoms from 1020 BC to 586 BC. By 6 A.D., however, the author writes, the Romans made Judah a Rom an province and although "there were a couple last gasps of Jewish revolt -- Masada and Bar Kokhba ... the Jews and the ancient Middle East had had enough of each other."
Perhaps for reasons of space -- or perhaps such a task is too complicated for the purposes of this book -- Ron David decided not to provide a similar chart of Jewish habitation in the Middle East after the fall of the Jewish kingdoms and the fall of the second temple in 70 A.D. Such a chart might have been useful if only in order to give the reader a better idea of the strength of present Jewish claims to the area.
Ron David makes a point of covering Islam in some depth. The well established Arab / Bedouin code of virtue, the muruwwah, is explained. We learn that Muhammad's inspiration came from his understanding that the wealthy and powerful merchant class were ignoring their duty to the poor, an essential tenet of the muruwwah. Perhaps because of Islam's dramatic appeal to the masses, barely a century a fter the death of Mohammad in 632, "Muslims controlled an empire that stretched from Spain to the borders of China and the Arabs were entering a Golden Age."
Some of the examples of the flowering of Arab civilization in literature, psychology, science, medicine and mathematics are detailed. It is also emphasized that Islam (which means surrender to God) nurtured and was nurtured by the cultures it embraced, especially Jewish culture. "Teaching the knowledge-hungry Muslims got the Jewish scholars' creative juices flowing. The result was a Jewish Golden Age, especially in Spain, during which doctors, poets, and scholars combined secular and religious knowledge in a way that has never been achieved since."
As Ron David tells it, the Crusades (1096 - 1270) and then the Mongol invasions (1218 - 1258) brought an end to the zenith of Arab culture. After 200 years of fighting "in their own backyards, the Arabs were all used up." At the same time, the author emphasizes the irony that "the knowledge that [the Crusaders] got from the Arabs helped them break out of the brain - dead Middle Ages into the Renaissance ..."
A crucial section of the book is devoted to the events leading up to the emergence of the State of Israel in 1948. This momentous event, a huge victory for world Jewry, is at the same time for Palestinians, al-Nakbah, the catastrophe.
THE OTTOMAN LAND CODE
The new Ottoman land code of 1850 over time led to the removal of the Palestinian peasants from their land. Previously Palestinian peasants could live on and cultivate their land and pass it on to their heirs. The new land law changed that and as a result, through land purchases, often from absentee Arab landlords in Beirut, Jewish settlers began to move Palestinian peasants off the land that they had farmed for generations.
Note Lucas Tessens (201602020): This is a difficult matter in Ron David's exposé but it is key and needs more attention than it gets: If the Jews really bought the land, the Arabs no longer owned it in a legal sense. If the French buy half of Belgium they become the legal owners. In my view it is the inequality in purchasing power that leads to desinheritance of the land and the expulsion of their former tenants/farmers. Refusing to accept this process is in fact rejecting the whole capitalist system. Or should land be excluded from the list of goods that can be bought? If the answer is 'YES' then you are in a new system.
The expulsion of Palestinian farmers by the Jewish settlers frequently led to confrontations between the two sides as early as the last decade of the 19th century. The fierce rioting of 1929 in which there were hundreds of casualties on both sides resulted in a new British policy statement in late 1930 which was meant to restrict Jewish immigration and land purchases. If the new policy had held for the long term, the Palestinians might not have lost their country. However, in only a few months, the Zionists in England were powerful enough to cause the British Prime Minister, Ramsay MacDonald, to rescind the new policy statement and revert back to the pro-Jewish policies of the Balfour Declaration (1917) which stated that the British government would "view with favor the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people ... "
The advent of Hitler in 1933 and the pro-Jewish immigration policies of the British led to the Arab revolt of 1936 - 1939. Afterwards, when the British tried to redress the balance in favor of the Arabs it became the turn of the Jews to rebel and their successful terrorist actions played a key role in forcing the British to give up their mandate in Palestine in favor of the U.N.
THE U.N. PARTITION RESOLUTION
The U.N. Partition Resolution of November 29, 1947, recommended the division of Palestine into a Jewish state and an Arab state. While the Jews hailed it as a major breakthrough, the Arabs rejected it because it gave much of what was theirs to the Jews. The Jewish community in Palestine which at that time made up about a third of the population and held less than 7% of the land, were "given" more than 50% of the area of Palestine, including prime Arab farmland in the Galilee and on the Mediterranean coast and elsewhere. Equally important, the U.N. scheme placed hundreds of thousands of Palestinian Arabs in areas that were to be controlled by the Jews. This would mean that there would be about 500,000 Arabs in a state of about 650,000 Jews -- a plan that both sides, in effect, rejected.
It is widely believed that the war between the Arabs and the Jews began with the Arab invasion on May 15, 1948, immediately after the Jews declared their state. In reality, the war actually began after the U.N. Partition Resolution, in December 1947. In this communal war the much better organized and equipped Jews captured the areas that the British were evacuating. As Israeli historian Simha F lapan writes, so successful were the Jewish forces that by the beginning of May 1948, they held most of the territory that was designated for their state by the U.N. Resolution.
The success of the Jewish campaign against the Palestinian forces may be gauged by the 300,000 Arab refugees who were forced to flee their homeland before the middle of May 1948. The situation was such an international scandal -- comparable to the ethnic cleansing in the former Yugoslavia -- that the U.S. and other countries actually entertained plans to substitute a trusteeship for Palestine rather than allow the U.N. Partition Resolution to stand. In the event, the Truman administration, with its eye on the Jewish lobby at home, withdrew its objections and was quick to recognize the new Jewish state.
When the Jewish leaders declared their new state on May 14, 1948, there were still about 400,000 Palestinians in areas that became Israel. Ben Gurion's government decided to risk war because they wished to increase their territorial gains and to cleanse the area of more Palestinians. Viewed in the light of Jewish military victories, the Arab invasion of May 15, becomes not, as pictured by the Zionists, an attempt by implacable enemy forces to drive the Jews into the sea, but rather, in large part, a pan-Arab effort to stave off further Jewish gains in Palestine and to stem the flow of even more Palestinian refugees.
Moreover, in Zionist mythology, no credit is given to Jordan, Lebanon, Syria and Egypt for sheltering and sustaining the hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees. Indeed Zionists frequently say that the Arab countries created and maintained the Palestinian refugee problem as a way of scoring propaganda points against Israel. It turns out that the opposite is the case. In Michael Palumbo's The Palestinian Catastrophe: The 1948 Expulsion of a People From Their Homeland (1987), evidence is presented which indicates that Ben-Gurion flatly rejected proposals by the U.S. and Syria to permanently resettle hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees. Palumbo thinks that Ben-Gurion's motivation was the idea that "as long as the refugee problem remained unsolved there would be tensions in the region which could eventually be used to ignite a new war of conquest."
Palumbo points to the territory that Israel conquered in 1967 in Palestine, Jordan, and Syria as evidence of Israel's expansionist program. Ron David's section on Lebanon provides more support to Palumbo's thesis as well as it adds perspective on Israel's control of its self-designated "security zone" in Southern Lebanon which it has held illegally since 1982. Ron David cites evidence from the diaries of Moshe Sharett, Israel's second Prime Minister, that as early as the 1950s, Israel was planning to destabilize Lebanon by pitting the Moslem community against the Lebanese Christians. The idea was to create a puppet state there so that Israel could control the land and water resources in the south.
In view of Zionist responsibility for the carnage and instability in the Middle East for much of this century, it's understandable that Ron David should raise the question at the end of his book of the billions of dollars in aid that the U.S. gives Israel every year. The author quotes an article by Jeffrey Blankfort in Lies of Our Times, pointing out how secretive our own media is on the issue of U.S. aid to Israel. "February 1989," Blankfort writes, "was the last time the New York Times ran a story describing Congress' role in approving aid to Israel." In a wonderful quote, Ron David writes, "I would rather flush that money down the toilet than give it to Israel.... At least when you flush money down the toilet, it doesn't hurt anybody."
Arabs and Israel for Beginners, one of a series of "documentary comic books," with its format of illustrations on every page, is easy to read and is highly recommended for those interested in a controversial and more objective point of view. Unfortunately, it is marred by a score or more of typos, frequent use of street language, and some mistakes: the 35,000 Arabs that Ron David says were expelled in the '56 war is silently corrected two pages later to 3,000 to 5,000; and "Eretz Yisrael" means not only, as Ron David has it, the biblical land of Israel but also the modern state of Israel . However, these lapses are a small price to pay for an extremely important book which challenges old assumptions on an issue that may be with us for generations despite the promise of the Oslo Accords.
By Alejandro A. Alonso
Los Angeles - Historians of the Black Urban experience have concentrated on New York and Chicago, tending to ignore the nation's second largest city, Los Angeles, yet the events in 1965 and 1992, the evolution of gangster rap music, the proliferation of gangs, sensational trials, and the growth of various forms of nationalism suggest that LA is a city worthy of deeper investigation. Gerald Horne was absolutely correct and several of these phenomena continue to shape and define Los Angeles in the 21st Century, such as the Rampart police investigation, the ouster of Chief of Police Bernard Parks, a recent significant increase in violence, and the upcoming trial of Robert Blake that will prove to have many eyes on LA for several weeks, but is the potential for another riot there?
Those of us old enough to remember August 1965, on that hot summer day when Marquette Frye was arrested for driving under the influence know how easy and how quickly a small protest can escalate into a full blown riot. The Watts riot surpassed all the riots of 1964 that occurred in New York City, Rochester, Jersey City, Paterson, Elizabeth, Chicago, and Philadelphia in loss of life, injuries, arrests, and structures damaged. National Guards men were called in, and six days later, on August 16, 1965 the revolt came to an end. It would take two massive strikes by Blacks during 1967 in Newark, and Detroit to overshadow the Watts Riots, but it would still remain a significant episode in the Black Revolution of the 1960s, as it became the focus of several analysis and studies. Also what made the situation in Watts and Los Angeles so perplexing was that Blacks in Los Angeles were ranked first among sixty-eight cities in quality of life. In 1964, an Urban League study analyzing aspects of life among Los Angeles Blacks stated that housing, employment, and income were highly ranked compared to other cities for Blacks.
Twenty-seven years later, civil unrest would revisit Los Angeles, and once again earn its place in history as the worst urban revolt in American history. On April 29, 1992, following the not guilty verdicts of four Los Angeles Police Officers accused of beating motorist Rodney King, violence erupted at the intersection of Florence and Normandie in South Los Angeles. At the same time, individuals at the corner of 67th Street and 11th Avenue were revolting against passer-bys and motorists. Black residents were outraged that four LAPD officers received not guilty verdicts from an all white jury in Simi Valley, despite the videotape evidence of the beating of Rodney King, and the testimonial by veteran police officers on behalf of the prosecution. From April 29, 1992 at approximately 3:30 p.m. until May 1st, the violence raged on. The National Guard were called in to bring calm to the city, and by Friday afternoon the violence and looting were subdued. The most violent urban revolt that the United States had ever experienced in the twentieth century resulted in 52 deaths, 2,499 injuries, 6,559 arrests, 1,120 building damaged, 2,314 stores damaged and close to 1 billion in damages.
The following day on Saturday, May 2, 1992, Pete Ueberroth accepted Mayor Tom Bradley's appointment to head the newly formed non-profit organization dubbed Rebuild L.A to revitalize the ravaged sections of Los Angeles. He vowed to create sustainable jobs in South Los Angeles by getting corporations to make long-term commitments to the damaged areas. This organization was described by the mayor's office as an "extra-governmental task force" to rebuild Los Angeles, and if successful, transform neighborhoods known for providing service sector jobs to areas of industry and manufacturing, utilizing trained workers. Unfortunately RLA fell short many of it goals and Pete Ueberroth, who was magical in producing a major profit from the 1984 Olympics in Los Angeles was not able to foster the relationships and convince enough investors into South LA and he soon resigned from his post.
So is Los Angeles a more sustainable place for racial minorities to live today and does the potential for a riot loom in the near future? According to a recent poll, about 50% of those in Los Angeles believe that another riot could occur within several years, and those that claim a riot is inevitable point to the lack of economic stability in South Los Angeles as being the major reason why a riot can occur again. Magic Johnson's investments into Los Angeles are considered great efforts to build the community, especially his theater on Martin Luther King Jr. Avenue in South LA, but black activists claim that coffee shops are not enough. If you look around Los Angeles and gage economic transformations in various places it is not difficult to see that South Los Angeles has received little attention from business and investors. In the last 10 years, areas that have seen major transformations in terms of economic development and business investment include Downtown Los Angeles, Hollywood Blvd, Universal City and Pasadena.
I believe that investors need to be convincingly sold on the idea of South LA and that there are millions of dollars that can be spent in South LA. Are these attempts being made or are there attempts by so called leaders of the community stagnating and preventing these types of investments to occur? Office Depot, Target, Home Depot, and Starbucks are a few of the new retailers that are present in some of the exact places where the riots damaged property in 1992 and investors such as Magic Johnson definitely help, but the discussion on economics does not address the issue of the potential of another riot occurring in Los Angeles.
If we go back to 1992 and examine the precipitating factor of the riot, economics actually played a small role influencing the revolt. Yes, there was a recession in Los Angeles and around the country, unemployment was at an all time high, high levels of poverty probably exacerbated the riots that took place, but the critical events and underlying factors to the revolt were the beating of Rodney King in 1991, the probation sentence handed down on Sun Ja Doo, a Korean store clerk that shot Latasha Harlins, a 15 year old black girl, in the back of the head after a dispute over orange juice, and the acquittal of the four LAPD officers. In the Sun Ja Doo incident the jury came back with a second-degree murder conviction, but Judge Joyce Karlin, a white woman, did the unheard of when she sentenced Doo to five years probation. This is what I believe paved the way for the worst urban riot in contemporary history and the fact that over 50% of the damaged or destroyed property was Korean owned was no accident, and is the reason why many characterize this event as an uprising or a revolt. Although many of the images captured certainly show those acting as opportunists taking advantage of an unfortuate situation, at the same time there was an organized attack against Korean establishments within South LA and outside of the black community along Vermont and Western Avenues, north of the black community. Relations between blacks and Koreans in Los Angeles have often been full of tension and there is housing evidence that suggests that those tensions are still present in 2002.
The critical factors that influenced the events of April 29, 1992 all took place within the criminal justice sector of society with the police department central to the events. This is were we must look to address the question of a potential third Los Angeles riot. Chief Daryl Gates was held accountable for the type of relationship that was created between the police and minority communities in South LA and his response to the first day of the riot was considered dismal. Also let us not forget history, when in 1965 people took to the streets of Los Angeles in protest the day following alleged police abuses after the arrest of a Marquette Frye on 116th Street and Avalon. Chief William Parker was also highly criticized for the sharp divide that was created between the black community and the militaristic police, and resentment towards the police grew worse every year since Parker took over as Chief in 1950 up until the violence erupted in 1965. One indication of the increasing tension between the police and the community was the number of complaints that blacks filed between 1950 and 1965. Parker claimed no responsibility during a commission and when asked what sparked the riot he replied "someone threw a rock, and like monkeys in a zoo, they all started throwing rocks."
All of the seven race riots of 1964 were also sparked by an incident of police misconduct. The Otto Kerner Commission of 1968 stated that police actions led to outbreaks in half of the cases studied and those that believe that another revolt will take place will need to examine law enforcement and the criminal justice system. If the LAPD of LASD engage in any inappropriate activity such as excessive force or unlawful officer involved shootings, an outbreak of violence is definitely possible. Let us not forget what happened in Cincinnati in April 2001 when the shooting death of Timothy Thomas, 19, whose death touched off three days of riots. Cincinnati police officer Steven Roach was later found not guilty of negligent homicide in the shooting, but these are the types of events that will determine if Los Angeles will see part three. Under Bernard Parks inappropriate activity from the rank and file was highly unlikely with the disciplinary system that he had in place, but the actions of the next police chief may determine if what happened in 1965 and 1992 will occur again.
Originally published in Winter 1984 on page 5
Copyright (c)1985, 1997 by Context Institute
HOWEVER NATURAL “owning” land may seem in our culture, in the long sweep of human existence, it is a fairly recent invention. Where did this notion come from? What does it really mean to “own” land? Why do we, in our culture, allow a person to draw lines in the dirt and then have almost complete control over what goes on inside those boundaries? What are the advantages, the disadvantages, and the alternatives? How might a humane and sustainable culture re-invent the “ownership” connection between people and the land?
These questions are unfamiliar (perhaps even uncomfortable) to much of our society, for our sense of “land ownership” is so deeply embedded in our fundamental cultural assumptions that we never stop to consider its implications or alternatives. Most people are at best only aware of two choices, two patterns, for land ownership – private ownership (which we associate with the industrial West) and state ownership (as in the Communist East).
Both of these patterns are full of problems and paradoxes. Private ownership enhances personal freedom (for those who are owners), but frequently leads to vast concentrations of wealth (even in the U.S., 75% of the privately held land is owned by 5% of the private landholders), and the effective denial of freedom and power to those without great wealth. State ownership muffles differences in wealth and some of the abuses of individualistic ownership, but replaces them with the often worse abuses of bureaucratic control.
Both systems treat the land as an inert resource to be exploited as fully as possible, often with little thought for the future or respect for the needs of non-human life. Both assume that land ownership goes with a kind of exclusive national sovereignty that is intimately connected to the logic of war.
In short, both systems seem to be leading us towards disaster, yet what other options are there?
The answer, fortunately, is that there are a number of promising alternatives. To understand them, however, we will need to begin by diving deeply into what ownership is and where it has come from.
THE HISTORICAL ROOTS
Beginnings Our feelings about ownership have very deep roots. Most animal life has a sense of territory – a place to be at home and to defend. Indeed, this territoriality seems to be associated with the oldest (reptilian) part the brain (see IN CONTEXT, #6) and forms a biological basis for our sense of property. It is closely associated with our sense of security and our instinctual “fight or flight” responses, all of which gives a powerful emotional dimension to our experience of ownership. Yet this biological basis does not determine the form that territoriality takes in different cultures.
Humans, like many of our primate cousins, engage in group (as well as individual) territoriality. Tribal groups saw themselves connected to particular territories – a place that was “theirs.” Yet their attitude towards the land was very different from ours. They frequently spoke of the land as their parent or as a sacred being, on whom they were dependent and to whom they owed loyalty and service. Among the aborigines of Australia, individuals would inherit a special relationship to sacred places, but rather than “ownership,” this relationship was more like being owned by the land. This sense of responsibility extended to ancestors and future generations as well. The Ashanti of Ghana say, “Land belongs to a vast family of whom many are dead, a few are living and a countless host are still unborn.”
For most of these tribal peoples, their sense of “land ownership” involved only the right to use and to exclude people of other tribes (but usually not members of their own). If there were any private rights, these were usually subject to review by the group and would cease if the land was no longer being used. The sale of land was either not even a possibility or not permitted. As for inheritance, every person had use rights simply by membership in the group, so a growing child would not have to wait until some other individual died (or pay a special fee) to gain full access to the land.
Early Agricultural Societies Farming made the human relationship to the land more concentrated. Tilling the land, making permanent settlements, etc., all meant a greater direct investment in a particular place. Yet this did not lead immediately to our present ideas of ownership. As best as is known, early farming communities continued to experience an intimate spiritual connection to the land, and they often held land in common under the control of a village council. This pattern has remained in many peasant communities throughout the world.
It was not so much farming directly, but the larger-than- tribal societies that could be based on farming that led to major changes in attitudes towards the land. Many of the first civilizations were centered around a supposedly godlike king, and it was a natural extension to go from the tribal idea that “the land belongs to the gods” to the idea that all of the kingdom belongs to the god-king. Since the god-king was supposed to personify the whole community, this was still a form of community ownership, but now personalized. Privileges of use and control of various types were distributed to the ruling elite on the basis of custom and politics.
As time went on, land took on a new meaning for these ruling elites. It became an abstraction, a source of power and wealth, a tool for other purposes. The name of the game became conquer, hold, and extract the maximum in tribute. Just as The Parable Of The Tribes (see IN CONTEXT, #7) would suggest, the human-human struggle for power gradually came to be the dominant factor shaping the human relationship to the land. This shift from seeing the land as a sacred mother to merely a commodity required deep changes throughout these cultures such as moving the gods and sacred beings into the sky where they could conveniently be as mobile as the ever changing boundaries of these empires.
The idea of private land ownership developed as a second step – partly in reaction to the power of the sovereign and partly in response to the opportunities of a larger-than- village economy. In the god-king societies, the privileges of the nobility were often easily withdrawn at the whim of the sovereign, and the importance of politics and raw power as the basis of ownership was rarely forgotten. To guard their power, the nobility frequently pushed for greater legal/customary recognition of their land rights. In the less centralized societies and in the occasional democracies and republics of this period, private ownership also developed in response to the breakdown of village cohesiveness. In either case, private property permitted the individual to be a “little king” of his/her own lands, imitating and competing against the claims of the state.
Later Developments By the early days of Greece and Rome, community common land, state or sovereign land, and private land all had strong traditions behind them. Plato and Aristotle both discussed various mixtures of private and state ownership in ideal societies, with Aristotle upholding the value of private ownership as a means of protecting diversity. As history progressed, the “great ownership debate” has continued between the champions of private interests and the champions of the state, with the idea of community common land often praised as an ideal, but in practice being gradually squeezed out of the picture. Feudal Europe was basically a system of sovereign ownership. The rise of commerce and then industrialism shifted power to the private ownership interests of the new middle class (as in the United States). The reaction against the abuses of industrialism during the past 150 years swung some opinion back again, bringing renewed interest in state ownership (as in the Communist countries).
As important as these swings have been historically, they have added essentially nothing to our basic understanding of, or attitudes about, ownership. Throughout the whole history of civilization land has been seen as primarily a source of power, and the whole debate around ownership has been, “To what extent will the state allow the individual to build a personal power base through land ownership rights?”
TAKING A FRESH LOOK
But the human-human power struggle is hardly the only, or even the most important, issue in our relationship to the land. Whatever happened to the tribal concerns about caring for the land and preserving it for future generations? What about issues like justice, human empowerment and economic efficiency? How about the rights of the land itself? If we are to move forward towards a planetary/ecological age, all of these questions and issues are going to need to be integrated into our relationship to the land. To do this we will have to get out beyond the narrow circle of the ideas and arguments of the past.
We have been talking about “ownership” as if it was an obvious, clear-cut concept: either you own (control) something or you don’t. For most people (throughout history) this has been a useful approximation, and it has been the basis of the “great ownership debate.” But if you try to pin it down (as lawyers must), you will soon discover that it is not so simple. As surprising as it may seem, our legal system has developed an understanding of “owning” that is significantly different from our common ideas and has great promise as the basis for a much more appropriate human relationship to the land.
Ownership Is A Bundle Of Rights The first step is to recognize that, rather than being one thing, what we commonly call “ownership” is in fact a whole group of legal rights that can be held by some person with respect to some “property.” In the industrial West, these usually include the right to:
use (or not use);
exclude others from using;
sell, give away or bequeath;
rent or lease;
retain all rights not specifically granted to others;
retain these rights without time limit or review.
These rights are usually not absolute, for with them go certain responsibilities, such as paying taxes, being liable for suits brought against the property, and abiding by the laws of the land. If these laws include zoning laws, building codes, and environmental protection laws, you may find that your rights to use and irreversibly change are not as unlimited as you thought. Nevertheless, within a wide range you are the monarch over your property.
No One Owns Land Each of these rights can be modified independent of the others, either by law or by the granting of an easement to some other party, producing a bewildering variety of legal conditions. How much can you modify the above conditions and still call it “ownership”? To understand the answer to this, we are going to have to make a very important distinction. In spite of the way we normally talk, no one ever “owns land”..In our legal system you can only own rights to land, you can’t directly own (that is, have complete claim to) the land itself. You can’t even own all the rights since the state always retains the right of eminent domain. For example, what happens when you sell an easement to the power company so that they can run power lines across you land? They then own the rights granted in that easement, you own most of the other rights, the state owns the right of eminent domain – but no single party owns “the land.” You can carry this as far as you like, dividing the rights up among many “owners,” all of whom will have a claim on some aspect of the land.
The wonderful thing about this distinction is that it shifts the whole debate about land ownership away from the rigid state-vs.-individual, all-or-nothing battle to the much more flexible question of who (including community groups, families, etc. as well as the state and the individual) should have which rights. This shift could be as important as the major improvement in governance that came with the shift from monolithic power (as in a monarchy) to “division of powers” (as exemplified in the U.S. Constitution with its semi-independent legislative, executive and judicial branches).
Legitimate Interests How might the problems associated with exclusive ownership (either private or state) be solved by a “division of rights” approach? To answer this, we need to first consider what are the legitimate interests that need to be included in this new approach. If we are to address all the concerns appropriate for a humane sustainable culture we need to recognize that the immediate user of the land (be that a household or a business), the local community, the planetary community, future generations, and all of life, all have legitimate interests. What are these interests?
The immediate users need the freedom to be personally (or corporately) expressive, creative, and perhaps even eccentric. They need to be able to invest energy and caring into the land with reasonable security that the use of the land will not be arbitrarily taken away and that the full equity value of improvements made to the land will be available to them either through continued use or through resale should they choose to move.
The local community needs optimal use of the land within it, without having land held arbitrarily out of use by absentee landlords. It needs to be able to benefit from the equity increases in the land itself due to the overall development of the community, and it needs security that its character will not be forced to change through inappropriate land use decisions made by those outside the community or those leaving the community.
The planetary community, future generations, and all of life need sustainable use – the assurance that ecosystems and topsoil that have been developed over hundreds of thousands of years will not be casually destroyed; that the opportunities for life will be enhanced; that non-renewal resources will be used efficiently and for long term beneficial purposes. This larger community also needs meaningful recognition that the earth is our common heritage.
Is it possible to blend these various interests in a mutually supportive way, rather than seeing them locked in a power struggle? The answer, fortunately, is yes. Perhaps the best developed alternative legal form that does this is called a land trust.
A land trust is a non-governmental organization (frequently a non-profit corporation) that divides land rights between immediate users and their community. It is being used in a number of places around the world including India, Israel, Tanzania, and the United States. Of the many types of land trusts, we will focus here on three – conservation trusts, community trusts, and stewardship trusts. These will be discussed in more detail in other articles in this section, but an initial overview now will help to draw together many of the threads we have developed so far.
In a conservation land trust, the purpose is generally to preserve some aspect of the natural environment. A conservation trust may do this by the full ownership of some piece of land that it then holds as wilderness, or it may simply own “development rights” to an undeveloped piece. What are development rights? When the original owner sells or grants development rights to the conservation trust, they put an easement (a legal restriction) on the land that prevents them or any future owners from developing the land without the agreement of the conservation trust. They have let go of the right to “irreversibly change” listed above. The conservation trust then holds these rights with the intention of preventing development. The Trust For Public Land (82 Second St, San Francisco, CA 94105, 415/495-4015) helps community groups establish conservation and agricultural land trusts.
A community land trust (CLT) has as its purpose removing land from the speculative market and making it available to those who will use it for the long term benefit of the community. A CLT generally owns full title to its lands and grants long term (like 99-year) renewable leases to those who will actually use the land. Appropriate uses for the land are determined by the CLT in a process comparable to public planning or zoning. Lease fees vary from one CLT to another, but they are generally more than taxes and insurance, less than typical mortgage payments, and less than full rental cost. The lease holders have many of the use and security rights we normally associate with ownership. They own the buildings on the land and can take full benefit from improvements they make to the land. They can not, however, sell the land nor can they usually rent or lease it without the consent of the trust. The Institute For Community Economics (57 School St. Springfield, MA 01105, 413/746-8660) is one of the major support groups for the creation of community land trusts in both urban and rural settings.
The stewardship trust combines features of both the conservation trust and the CLT, and is being used now primarily by intentional communities and non-profit groups such as schools. The groups using the land (the stewards) generally pay less than in a normal CLT, but there are more definite expectations about the care and use they give to the land.
In each one of these types, the immediate users (nonhuman as well as human) have clear rights which satisfy all of their legitimate use needs. The needs of the local community are met through representation on the board of directors of the trust which can enforce general land use standards. The larger community usually has some representation on the trust’s board as well. Thus by dividing what we normally think of as ownership into “stewardship” (the users) and “trusteeship” (the trust organization), land trusts are pioneering an approach that better meets all the legitimate interests.
The system is, of course, still limited by the integrity and the attitudes of the people involved. Nor are current land trusts necessarily the model for “ownership” in a humane sustainable culture. But they show what can be done and give us a place to build from. I’ll explore more of where we might build to in a later article, but now lets turn to other perspectives and experiences with going beyond ownership.
Chaudhuri, Joyotpaul, Possession, Ownership And Access: A Jeffersonian View (Political Inquiry, Vol 1, No 1, Fall 1973).
Denman, D.R., The Place Of Property (London: Geographical Publications Ltd, 1978).
Institute For Community Economics, The Community Land Trust Handbook (Emmaus, PA: Rodale Press, 1982).
International Independence Institute, The Community Land Trust (Cambridge, MA: Center For Community Economic Development, 1972).
Macpherson, C.B., Property: Mainstream And Critical Positions (Toronto: Univ Of Toronto Press, 1978).
Schlatter, Richard, Private Property: The History Of An Idea (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1951).
Scott, William B., In Pursuit Of Happiness: American Conceptions Of Property (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977).
Tully, James, A Discourse On Property: John Locke And His Adversaries (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ Press, 1980).
by John Talbot
IT WAS NOT so long ago in human history that the rights of all humans were not acknowledged, even in the democracies. Slavery was only abolished a few generations ago. In the same way that we have come to see human rights as being inherent, so we are now beginning to recognize land rights, and by land I mean all life that lives and takes its nourishment from it, as well as the soil and earth itself. Once we have understood and accepted that idea, we can truly enter into a cooperative relationship with Nature. I’m not talking about living in fear of disturbing anything or a totally “hands off nature” angry ecologist view, but simply acknowledging the right to be of land and nature, and that when we do “disturb” it we do so with sensitivity and respect, doing our best to be in harmony with what is already there.
Being in harmony, apart from being a very subjective state, may not always be possible: for example in the case of putting a house down where once there wasn’t one. But we as humans have needs too. Nature knows that and is, I believe, quite willing to accommodate us. Our responsibility is, however, to act consciously and with the attitude of respect and desire for cooperation. It is no different from respecting other people’s rights in our interactions, being courteous and sensitive to their needs and feelings. This attitude toward the land is almost universally held by aboriginal and native peoples, from the Bushman to the Native American Indians to the tribes of the South Pacific. Earth Etiquette, you might say.
Following directly from that is the principle that you cannot really buy, sell or own the land. Just as we cannot (or should not) own slaves of our own species, we would not make slaves of animals, plants or the land and nature in general. Sounds easy but I feel this represents a very profound and fundamental change in human attitudes; one that takes thought, effort and time to reprogram in ourselves.
By WOLFGANG SAXON
Published: December 4, 1984
Edward Crankshaw, one of the most respected authors on the Soviet Union and chronicler of the Hapsburgs, died last Thursday in his native Britain after what was described as a ''long and painful illness.'' He was 75 years old and lived in Hawkhurst, in rural Kent.
His death was reported Sunday in The Observer, the British weekly for which he kept watch on the Soviet scene starting in 1947. Mr. Crankshaw, who spurned the label of ''Kremlinologist,'' was regarded as Britain's premier journalistic expert on Soviet politics.
The author of about 20 books, including three novels, Mr. Crankshaw contribued a steady flow of prefaces, essays and articles to publications in Britain and the United States, including The New York Times. In addition, he commented on Soviet affairs for the BBC.
Difficult to place politically, Mr. Crankshaw reluctantly became a Soviet specialist when The Observer asked him to take the assignment after World War II, part of which he had spent in Moscow. One of the conclusions he had reached was that Kremlin policies must be seen as something that did not start with the Bolshevik takeover in 1917, but had ancient roots. He Avoided Speculation
Thus, Mr. Crankshaw avoided speculations about absences from the Kremlin wall at anniversary parades. Instead, his basic impressions had been formed when the Russians were fighting for survival, and he took heart from Stalin's evocations of historical ''Holy Russia.''
His political testament came in a preface written this year to a selection from his writings, ''Putting Up With the Russians.''
As a conservative dedicated to the survival of European civilization, he rejected the harsh tones adopted by President Reagan and his supporters, accusing them of trying to turn the Soviet Union into a pariah. Mr. Crankshaw viewed detente with some skepticism, but he insisted on the need for co- existence.
He was the author of ''Russia Without Stalin'' in 1956, regarding the changes in everyday life in the post- Stalin era. He also wrote ''Khrushchev's Russia'' (1960) and ''Khrushchev: A Career,'' published six years later.
He then wrote the introduction for ''Khrushchev Remembers,'' a rich compilation of comments, speeches, conversations and interviews by Nikita I. Khruschev, the Kremlin leader who denounced the Stalinist terror. 'Khrushchev Himself'
Mr. Crankshaw, who also contributed copious footnotes and commentary to the Khrushchev book, helped defend the book against doubters. He said that by ''style and content'' the words were ''Khrushchev himself, quite unmistakably speaking.'' His faith in the book's authenticity has come to be shared by most others since its publication in 1970.
Though ailing for many years, Mr. Crankshaw, a slight and courtly man, continued to write even in bed whenever he was unable to move about.
His last volume published in this country was ''Bismarck'' in 1982. Writing in The New York Times Book Review, George L. Mosse called the book ''a cautionary tale about political and military power'' that sees Bismarck's ''apparent success as a failure because the Iron Chancellor exalted the amoral concept of politics into a principle.''
Edward Crankshaw was born on Jan. 3, 1909, in rural Essex. As a boy, he often visited the London magistrate's court where his father, Arthur, worked as chief clerk. He attended Bishop's Stortford College but left early - hence his claim to having been largely self- taught.
Instead, Mr. Crankshaw went to the Continent to travel, and he lived in Vienna, becoming fluent in German. His Austrian years turned out to be formative ones for his mind as he watched democracy crumble in the new Austrian republic. They also instilled him with a passion for literature and music.
From Europe, he wrote for British publications subjects ranging from twelve-tone music to books, art and the theater. But he gave up journalism to write ''Joseph Conrad: Some Aspects of the Art of the Novel,'' a study of Conrad's methods and the novelist's art in general. Another book, ''Vienna: The Image of a Culture in Decline,'' appeared in 1938. Posted to Moscow in '41
In 1936, Mr. Crankshaw was commissioned into Britain's Territorial Army. In 1941, he was posted to Moscow as an intelligence officer, and he did all he could to understand the Russians, their history, national character and government.
Having also traveled on the periphery of the Soviet Union, he was asked by The Observer to return to journalism as its Russian expert. His early books on the subject were ''Britain and Russia'' (1945), ''Russia and the Russians'' (1947) and ''Russia by Daylight'' (1951).
A well-received history was The Shadow of the Winter Palace: The Drift to Revolution, 1825-1917 which appeared in 1976. Other well-received books were ''The Fall of the House of Hapsburg'' (1963) and ''The Hapsburgs'' (1971).
Of Mr. Crankshaw's ''Maria Theresa'' (1969), Thomas Lask wrote in his review in The New York Times, ''Mr. Crankshaw has managed in what is a model of compression and judicious selection to rescue Maria Theresa from the history books and to turn a monument into a warm and appealing woman.''
Mr. Crankshaw is survived by his wife, the former Clare Chesterton Carr.
Originally published in Autumn 1983 on page 8
Copyright (c)1983, 1997 by Context Institute
THE HUMAN TENDENCY toward, and preparations for, open warfare are certainly the most spectacular obstacles to peace, but they are not the only challenges we face. For much of the world’s population, hunger, not war, is the pressing issue, and it is hard to imagine a genuine peace that did not overcome our current global pattern of extensive poverty in the midst of plenty.
Hunger and poverty are two prime examples of what is described as “structural violence,” that is, physical and psychological harm that results from exploitive and unjust social, political and economic systems. It is something that most of us know is going on, some of us have experienced, but in its starker forms, it is sufficiently distant from most North American lives that it is often hard to get a good perspective on it. I’ve come across an approach that seems to help provide that perspective, and I’d like to describe it.
How significant is structural violence? How does one measure the impact of injustice? While this may sound like an impossibly difficult question, Gernot Kohler and Norman Alcock (in Journal of Peace Research, 1976, 13, pp. 343-356) have come up with a surprisingly simple method for estimating the grosser forms of structural violence, at least at an international level. The specific question they ask is, how many extra deaths occur each year due to the unequal distribution of wealth between countries?
To understand their approach, we will need to plunge into some global statistics. It will help to start with the relationship between Life Expectancy (LE) and Gross National Product Per Person (GNP/p) that is shown in the following figure.
Each dot in this figure stands for one country with its LE and GNP/p for the year 1979. All together, 135 countries are represented (data from Ruth Sivard’s World Military and Social Expenditures 1982, World Priorities, Box 1003, Leesburg VA 22075, $4). Kohler and Alcock used a similar figure based on data for 1965, and I’ll compare the 1965 data with the 1979 data later in this article. Except for a few oil exporting countries (like Libya) that have unusual combinations of high GNPs and low Life Expectancies, the data follows a consistent pattern shown by the curve. Among the “poor” countries (with GNP/p below about $2400 per person per year), life expectancy is relatively low and increases rapidly with increasing GNP/p. Among the “rich” countries, life expectancy is consistently high and is relatively unaffected by GNP.
The dividing line between these two groups turns out to also be the world average GNP per person. The value of the life expectancy curve at that point (for 1979) is 70 years. Thus, other things being equal, if the world’s wealth was distributed equally among the nations, every country would have a life expectancy of 70 years. This value is surprisingly close to the average life expectancy for the industrial countries (72 years), and is even not that far below the maximum national life expectancy of 76 years (Iceland, Japan, and Sweden).
Kohler and Alcock use this egalitarian model as a standard to compare the actual world situation against. The procedure is as follows. The actual number of deaths in any country can be estimated by dividing the population (P) by the life expectancy (LE). The difference between the actual number of deaths and the number of deaths that would occur under egalitarian conditions is thus P/LE – P/70. For example, in 1979 India had a population of 677 million and a life expectancy of 52 years. Thus India’s actual death rate was 13 million while if the life expectancy had been 70, the rate would have been 9.7 million. The difference of 3.3 million thus provides an estimate of the number of extra deaths.
Calculating this difference for each country and then adding them up gives the number of extra deaths worldwide due to the unequal distribution of resources. The result for 1965 was 14 million, while for 1979 the number had declined to 11 million. (China, with a quarter of the world’s population, is responsible for 3/4 of this drop since it raised its life expectancy from 50 in 1965 to 64 in 1979.)
How legitimate is it to ascribe these deaths to the structural violence of human institutions, and not just to the variability of nature? Perhaps the best in-depth study of structural violence comes from the Institute for Food and Development Policy (1885 Mission St, San Francisco, CA 94103). What they find throughout the Third World is that the problems of poverty and hunger often date back hundreds of years to some conquest – by colonial forces or otherwise. The victors became the ruling class and the landholders, pushing the vast majority either on to poor ground or into being landless laborers. Taxes, rentals, and the legal system were all structured to make sure that the poor stayed poor. The same patterns continue today.
Additional support is provided by the evidence in the above figure, which speaks for itself. Also, according to Sivard, 97% of the people in the Third World live under repressive governments, with almost half of all Third World countries run by military dominated governments. Finally, as a point of comparison, Ehrlich and Ehrlich (Population, Environment, and Resources, 1972, p72) estimate between 10 and 20 million deaths per year due to starvation and malnutrition. If their estimates are correct, our estimates may even be too low.
Some comparisons will help to put these figures in perspective. The total number of deaths from all causes in 1965 was 62 million, so these estimates indicate that 23% of all deaths were due to structural violence. By 1979 the fraction had dropped to 15%. While it is heartening to see this improvement, the number of deaths is staggeringly large, dwarfing any other form of violence other than nuclear war. For example, the level of structural violence is 60 times greater than the average number of battle related deaths per year since 1965 (Sivard 1982). It is 1.5 times as great as the yearly average number of civilian and battle field deaths during the 6 years of World War II. Every 4 days, it is the equivalent of another Hiroshima.
Perhaps the most hopeful aspect of this whole tragic situation is that essentially everyone in the present system has become a loser. The plight of the starving is obvious, but the exploiters don’t have much to show for their efforts either – not compared to the quality of life they could have in a society without the tensions generated by this exploitation. Especially at a national level, what the rich countries need now is not so much more material wealth, but the opportunity to live in a world at peace. The rich and the poor, with the help of modern technology and weaponry, have become each others’ prisoners.
Diegenen die de geschiedenis schrijven van de naoorlogse Nederlands^
talige Belgische dagbladpers, zullen ongetwijfeld de tweede helften van
de jaren vijftig en zeventig als terzake bijzonder woelig weerhouden.
De periode tussen 1955 en 1959 zal geboekstaafd blijven als het tijdperk
van de concentraties. In 1957 besloten Het Laatste Nieuws en De Nieuwe
Gazet te gaan samenwerken. Twee jaar later kocht de Standaard-groep
de Gentse titels De Gentenaar en De Landwacht op.
De jaren zestig zouden het decennium van de stabilisering kunnen
worden genoemd. Het enige meldenswaardige feit is de oprichting, begin
1968, van de Financieel-Ekonomische Tijd.
De tweede helft van de jaren zeventig zöu men als titel de ophef
makende faillissementen kunnen meegeven. Begin maart 1976 verdween
de begin oktober 1975 opgerichte De Krant. Deze titel diende zich aan
als een onafhankelijk, objectief, Vlaams, zelfstandig, niet partijgebonden
dagblad, dat recht naar de mensen toeschrijft, in een klare, duidelijke taal,
met een vinnige new. sound en een fris, modern uitzicht . Zoals steller
elders reeds betoogde, verbijsterde het eerste nummer de minst kritische
waarnemers. Het betrof, in feite, een tabloïd zonder enige oorspronke
lijkheid die het midden hield tussen de Londense avondkranten en de
meest stofferige provinciebladen. (...). De langzame doodstrijd van D?
Krant-eindigde in de grootste verwarring en in de financiële en morele
ontreddering van een groot aantal medewerkers... (1).
Deze faling was echter slechts een voorsmaak. In mei-juni 1976 ging de
prestigieuze Standaard-gtoep over de kop, en twee jaar later hield Volks
gazet definitief op met verschijnen.
Summary : Sensational failures in the newspaper industry.
In the post war history of the Dutch-language daily press in Belgium,
the late fifties, marked by a trend towards concentration, and the latter
part of the seventies, notorious by the bankrupties of several newspapers,
stand out as eras of turbulence. It is two particularly significant events
occurring during the latter period, i.c. the 1976 insolvency of the prestigeous
Standaard papers and that of Volksgazet two years later, which this article focuses upon. In his analysis of causes and suggested/chosen solutions, the author highlights the political rather than the economie dimension of the events and their aftermaths, given that each of the faïling neuwspapers — and hence their survival — mattered pólitically, i.c. to the Christian Democrats and the Socialist party respectivély. Central to this is the question of the measures considered/taken by the Belgian c.q. Flemish /pólitical authorities for having
the newspapers. The course of events in each case is examined and the
differences in terms of causal factors and measures taken/omitted are
noted. In the final analysis, the question arises as to the relationship
between certain political figures or groups on the one hand, and government
agencies, which both Volksgazet and particularly the Standaard titles were heavily indebted to, on the other hand.
Source: The Che Reader, Ocean Press, © 2005.
Transcription/Markup: Ocean Press/Brian Baggins
This speech was delivered at the Second Economic Seminar of Afro-Asian Solidarity. The conference, held in Algiers, Algeria, was attended by representatives from 63 African and Asian governments, as well as 19 national liberation movements. The meeting was opened by Algerian President Ahmed Ben Bella. Cuba was invited as an observer to the conference, and Guevara served on its presiding committee.
Cuba is here at this conference to speak on behalf of the peoples of Latin America. As we have emphasized on other occasions, Cuba also speaks as an underdeveloped country as well as one that is building socialism.
It is not by accident that our delegation is permitted to give its opinion here, in the circle of the peoples of Asia and Africa. A common aspiration unites us in our march toward the future: the defeat of imperialism. A common past of struggle against the same enemy has united us along the road.
This is an assembly of peoples in struggle, and the struggle is developing on two equally important fronts that require all our efforts. The struggle against imperialism, for liberation from colonial or neocolonial shackles, which is being carried out by means of political weapons, arms, or a combination of the two, is not separate from the struggle against backwardness and poverty. Both are stages on the same road leading toward the creation of a new society of justice and plenty.
It is imperative to take political power and to get rid of the oppressor classes. But then the second stage of the struggle, which may be even more difficult than the first, must be faced.
Ever since monopoly capital took over the world, it has kept the greater part of humanity in poverty, dividing all the profits among the group of the most powerful countries. The standard of living in those countries is based on the extreme poverty of our countries. To raise the living standards of the underdeveloped nations, therefore, we must fight against imperialism. And each time a country is torn away from the imperialist tree, it is not only a partial battle won against the main enemy but it also contributes to the real weakening of that enemy, and is one more step toward the final victory. There are no borders in this struggle to the death. We cannot be indifferent to what happens anywhere in the world, because a victory by any country over imperialism is our victory, just as any country's defeat is a defeat for all of us. The practice of proletarian internationalism is not only a duty for the peoples struggling for a better future, it is also an inescapable necessity.
If the imperialist enemy, the United States or any other, carries out its attack against the underdeveloped peoples and the socialist countries, elementary logic determines the need for an alliance between the underdeveloped peoples and the socialist countries. If there were no other uniting factor, the common enemy should be enough.
Of course, these alliances cannot be made spontaneously, without discussions, without birth pangs, which sometimes can be painful. We said that each time a country is liberated it is a defeat for the world imperialist system. But we must agree that the break is not achieved by the mere act of proclaiming independence or winning an armed victory in a revolution. It is achieved when imperialist economic domination over a people is brought to an end. Therefore, it is a matter of vital interest to the socialist countries for a real break to take place. And it is our international duty, a duty determined by our guiding ideology, to contribute our efforts to make this liberation as rapid and deep-going as possible.
A conclusion must be drawn from all this: the socialist countries must help pay for the development of countries now starting out on the road to liberation. We state it this way with no intention whatsoever of blackmail or dramatics, nor are we looking for an easy way to get closer to the Afro- Asian peoples; it is our profound conviction. Socialism cannot exist without a change in consciousness resulting in a new fraternal attitude toward humanity, both at an individual level, within the societies where socialism is being built or has been built, and on a world scale, with regard to all peoples suffering from imperialist oppression.
We believe the responsibility of aiding dependent countries must be approached in such a spirit. There should be no more talk about developing mutually beneficial trade based on prices forced on the backward countries by the law of value and the international relations of unequal exchange that result from the law of value.
How can it be “mutually beneficial” to sell at world market prices the raw materials that cost the underdeveloped countries immeasurable sweat and suffering, and to buy at world market prices the machinery produced in today's big automated factories?
If we establish that kind of relation between the two groups of nations, we must agree that the socialist countries are, in a certain way, accomplices of imperialist exploitation. It can be argued that the amount of exchange with the underdeveloped countries is an insignificant part of the foreign trade of the socialist countries. That is very true, but it does not eliminate the immoral character of that exchange.
The socialist countries have the moral duty to put an end to their tacit complicity with the exploiting countries of the West. The fact that the trade today is small means nothing. In 1959 Cuba only occasionally sold sugar to some socialist bloc countries, usually through English brokers or brokers of other nationalities. Today 80 percent of Cuba's trade is with that area. All its vital supplies come from the socialist camp, and in fact it has joined that camp. We cannot say that this entrance into the socialist camp was brought about merely by the increase in trade. Nor was the increase in trade brought about by the destruction of the old structures and the adoption of the socialist form of development. Both sides of the question intersect and are interrelated.
We did not start out on the road that ends in communism foreseeing all steps as logically predetermined by an ideology advancing toward a fixed goal. The truths of socialism, plus the raw truths of imperialism, forged our people and showed them the path that we have now taken consciously. To advance toward their own complete liberation, the peoples of Asia and Africa must take the same path. They will follow it sooner or later, regardless of what modifying adjective their socialism may take today.
For us there is no valid definition of socialism other than the abolition of the exploitation of one human being by another. As long as this has not been achieved, if we think we are in the stage of building socialism but instead of ending exploitation the work of suppressing it comes to a halt — or worse, is reversed — then we cannot even speak of building socialism. We have to prepare conditions so that our brothers and sisters can directly and consciously take the path of the complete abolition of exploitation, but we cannot ask them to take that path if we ourselves are accomplices in that exploitation. If we were asked what methods are used to establish fair prices, we could not answer because we do not know the full scope of the practical problems involved. All we know is that, after political discussions, the Soviet Union and Cuba have signed agreements advantageous to us, by means of which we will sell five million tons of sugar at prices set above those of the so-called free world sugar market. The People's Republic of China also pays those prices in buying from us.
This is only a beginning. The real task consists of setting prices that will permit development. A great shift in ideas will be involved in changing the order of international relations. Foreign trade should not determine policy, but should, on the contrary, be subordinated to a fraternal policy toward the peoples.
Let us briefly analyze the problem of long-term credits for developing basic industries. Frequently we find that beneficiary countries attempt to establish an industrial base disproportionate to their present capacity. The products will not be consumed domestically and the country's reserves will be risked in the undertaking.
Our thinking is as follows: The investments of the socialist states in their own territory come directly out of the state budget, and are recovered only by use of the products throughout the entire manufacturing process, down to the finished goods. We propose that some thought be given to the possibility of making these kinds of investments in the underdeveloped countries. In this way we could unleash an immense force, hidden in our continents, which have been exploited miserably but never aided in their development. We could begin a new stage of a real international division of labor, based not on the history of what has been done up to now but rather on the future history of what can be done.
The states in whose territories the new investments are to be made would have all the inherent rights of sovereign property over them with no payment or credit involved. But they would be obligated to supply agreed-upon quantities of products to the investor countries for a certain number of years at set prices.
The method for financing the local portion of expenses incurred by a country receiving investments of this kind also deserves study. The supply of marketable goods on long-term credits to the governments of underdeveloped countries could be one form of aid not requiring the contribution of freely convertible hard currency.
Another difficult problem that must be solved is the mastering of technology.  The shortage of technicians in underdeveloped countries is well known to us all. Educational institutions and teachers are lacking. Sometimes we lack a real understanding of our needs and have not made the decision to carry out a top-priority policy of technical, cultural and ideological development.
The socialist countries should supply the aid to organize institutions for technical education. They should insist on the great importance of this and should supply technical cadres to fill the present need. It is necessary to further emphasize this last point. The technicians who come to our countries must be exemplary. They are comrades who will face a strange environment, often one hostile to technology, with a different language and totally different customs. The technicians who take on this difficult task must be, first of all, communists in the most profound and noble sense of the word. With this single quality, plus a modicum of flexibility and organization, wonders can be achieved.
We know this can be done. Fraternal countries have sent us a certain number of technicians who have done more for the development of our country than 10 institutes, and have contributed more to our friendship than 10 ambassadors or 100 diplomatic receptions.
If we could achieve the above-listed points — and if all the technology of the advanced countries could be placed within reach of the underdeveloped countries, unhampered by the present system of patents, which prevents the spread of inventions of different countries — we would progress a great deal in our common task.
Imperialism has been defeated in many partial battles. But it remains a considerable force in the world. We cannot expect its final defeat save through effort and sacrifice on the part of us all.
The proposed set of measures, however, cannot be implemented unilaterally. The socialist countries should help pay for the development of the underdeveloped countries, we agree. But the underdeveloped countries must also steel their forces to embark resolutely on the road of building a new society — whatever name one gives it — where the machine, an instrument of labor, is no longer an instrument for the exploitation of one human being by another. Nor can the confidence of the socialist countries be expected by those who play at balancing between capitalism and socialism, trying to use each force as a counterweight in order to derive certain advantages from such competition. A new policy of absolute seriousness should govern the relations between the two groups of societies. It is worth emphasizing once again that the means of production should preferably be in the hands of the state, so that the marks of exploitation may gradually disappear. Furthermore, development cannot be left to complete improvisation. It is necessary to plan the construction of the new society. Planning is one of the laws of socialism, and without it, socialism would not exist. Without correct planning there can be no adequate guarantee that all the various sectors of a country's economy will combine harmoniously to take the leaps forward that our epoch demands.
Planning cannot be left as an isolated problem of each of our small countries, distorted in their development, possessors of some raw materials or producers of some manufactured or semimanufactured goods, but lacking in most others. From the outset, planning should take on a certain regional dimension in order to intermix the various national economies, and thus bring about integration on a basis that is truly of mutual benefit. We believe the road ahead is full of dangers, not dangers conjured up or foreseen in the distant future by some superior mind but palpable dangers deriving from the realities besetting us. The fight against colonialism has reached its final stages, but in the present era colonial status is only a consequence of imperialist domination. As long as imperialism exists it will, by definition, exert its domination over other countries. Today that domination is called neocolonialism.
Neocolonialism developed first in South America, throughout a whole continent, and today it begins to be felt with increasing intensity in Africa and Asia. Its forms of penetration and development have different characteristics. One is the brutal form we have seen in the Congo. Brute force, without any respect or concealment whatsoever, is its extreme weapon. There is another more subtle form: penetration into countries that win political independence, linking up with the nascent local bourgeoisies, development of a parasitic bourgeois class closely allied to the interests of the former colonizers. This development is based on a certain temporary rise in the people's standard of living, because in a very backward country the simple step from feudal to capitalist relations marks a big advance, regardless of the dire consequences for the workers in the long run.
Neocolonialism has bared its claws in the Congo. That is not a sign of strength but of weakness. It had to resort to force, its extreme weapon, as an economic argument, which has generated very intense opposing reactions. But at the same time a much more subtle form of neocolonialism is being practiced in other countries of Africa and Asia. It is rapidly bringing about what some have called the South Americanization of these continents; that is, the development of a parasitic bourgeoisie that adds nothing to the national wealth of their countries but rather deposits its huge ill-gotten profits in capitalist banks abroad, and makes deals with foreign countries to reap more profits with absolute disregard for the welfare of the people. There are also other dangers, such as competition between fraternal countries, which are politically friendly and sometimes neighbors, as both try to develop the same investments simultaneously to produce for markets that often cannot absorb the increased volume. This competition has the disadvantage of wasting energies that could be used to achieve much greater economic coordination; furthermore, it gives the imperialist monopolies room to maneuver.
When it has been impossible to carry out a given investment project with the aid of the socialist camp, there have been occasions when the project has been accomplished by signing agreements with the capitalists. Such capitalist investments have the disadvantage not only of the terms of the loans but other, much more important disadvantages as well, such as the establishment of joint ventures with a dangerous neighbor. Since these investments in general parallel those made in other states, they tend to cause divisions between friendly countries by creating economic rivalries. Furthermore, they create the dangers of corruption flowing from the constant presence of capitalism, which is very skillful in conjuring up visions of advancement and well-being to fog the minds of many people. Some time later, prices drop in the market saturated by similar products. The affected countries are obliged to seek new loans, or to permit additional investments in order to compete. The final consequences of such a policy are the fall of the economy into the hands of the monopolies, and a slow but sure return to the past. As we see it, the only safe method for investments is direct participation by the state as the sole purchaser of the goods, limiting imperialist activity to contracts for supplies and not letting them set one foot inside our house. And here it is just and proper to take advantage of interimperialist contradictions in order to secure the least burdensome terms.
We have to watch out for “disinterested” economic, cultural and other aid that imperialism grants directly or through puppet states, which gets a better reception in some parts of the world.
If all of these dangers are not seen in time, some countries that began their task of national liberation with faith and enthusiasm may find themselves on the neocolonial road, as monopoly domination is subtly established step by step so that its effects are difficult to discern until they brutally make themselves felt.
There is a big job to be done. Immense problems confront our two worlds — that of the socialist countries and that called the Third World — problems directly concerning human beings and their welfare, and related to the struggle against the main force that bears the responsibility for our backwardness. In the face of these problems, all countries and peoples conscious of their duties, of the dangers involved in the situation, of the sacrifices required by development, must take concrete steps to cement our friendship in the two fields that can never be separated: the economic and the political. We should organize a great solid bloc that, in its turn, helps new countries to free themselves not only from the political power of imperialism but also from its economic power.
The question of liberation by armed struggle from an oppressor political power should be dealt with in accordance with the rules of proletarian internationalism. In a socialist country at war, it would be absurd to conceive of a factory manager demanding guaranteed payment before shipping to the front the tanks produced by his factory. It ought to seem no less absurd to inquire of a people fighting for liberation, or needing arms to defend its freedom, whether or not they can guarantee payment.
Arms cannot be commodities in our world. They must be delivered to the peoples asking for them to use against the common enemy, with no charge and in the quantities needed and available. That is the spirit in which the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China have offered us their military aid. We are socialists; we constitute a guarantee of the proper utilization of those arms. But we are not the only ones, and all of us should receive the same treatment.
The reply to the ominous attacks by U.S. imperialism against Vietnam or the Congo should be to supply those sister countries with all the defense equipment they need, and to offer them our full solidarity without any conditions whatsoever.
In the economic field we must conquer the road to development with the most advanced technology possible. We cannot set out to follow the long ascending steps from feudalism to the nuclear and automated era. That would be a road of immense and largely useless sacrifice. We have to start from technology at its current level. We have to make the great technological leap forward that will reduce the current gap between the more developed countries and ourselves. Technology must be applied to the large factories and also to a properly developed agriculture. Above all, its foundation must be technological and ideological education, with a sufficient mass base and strength to sustain the research institutes and organizations that have to be created in each country, as well as the men and women who will use the existing technology and be capable of adapting themselves to the newly mastered technology.
These cadres must have a clear awareness of their duty to the society in which they live. There cannot be adequate technological education if it is not complemented by ideological education; without technological education, in most of our countries, there cannot be an adequate foundation for industrial development, which is what determines the development of a modern society, or the most basic consumer goods and adequate schooling. A good part of the national revenues must be spent on so-called unproductive investment in education. And priority must be given to the development of agricultural productivity. The latter has reached truly incredible levels in many capitalist countries, producing the senseless crisis of overproduction and a surplus of grain and other food products or industrial raw materials in the developed countries. While the rest of the world goes hungry, these countries have enough land and labor to produce several times over what is needed to feed the entire world. Agriculture must be considered a fundamental pillar of our development. Therefore, a fundamental aspect of our work should be changes in the agrarian structure, and adaptation to the new technological possibilities and to the new obligations of eliminating the exploitation of human beings.
Before making costly decisions that could cause irreparable damage, a careful survey of the national territory is needed. This is one of the preliminary steps in economic research and a basic prerequisite for correct planning. We warmly support Algeria's proposal for institutionalizing our relations. We would just like to make some supplementary suggestions: First: in order for the union to be an instrument in the struggle against imperialism, the cooperation of Latin American countries and an alliance with the socialist countries is necessary.
Second: we should be vigilant in preserving the revolutionary character of the union, preventing the admission into it of governments or movements not identified with the general aspirations of the people, and creating mechanisms that would permit the separation from it of any government or popular movement diverging from the just road.
Third: we must advocate the establishment of new relations on an equal footing between our countries and the capitalist ones, creating a revolutionary jurisprudence to defend ourselves in case of conflict, and to give new meaning to the relations between ourselves and the rest of the world. We speak a revolutionary language and we fight honestly for the victory of that cause. But frequently we entangle ourselves in the nets of an international law created as the result of confrontations between the imperialist powers, and not by the free peoples, the just peoples, in the course of their struggles.
For example, our peoples suffer the painful pressure of foreign bases established on their territories, or they have to carry the heavy burden of massive foreign debts. The story of these throwbacks is well known to all of us. Puppet governments, governments weakened by long struggles for liberation or the operation of the laws of the capitalist market, have allowed treaties that threaten our internal stability and jeopardize our future. Now is the time to throw off the yoke, to force renegotiation of oppressive foreign debts, and to force the imperialists to abandon their bases of aggression. I would not want to conclude these remarks, this recitation of concepts you all know, without calling the attention of this gathering to the fact that Cuba is not the only Latin American country; it is simply the only one that has the opportunity of speaking before you today. Other peoples are shedding their blood to win the rights we have. When we send our greetings from here, and from all the conferences and the places where they may be held, to the heroic peoples of Vietnam, Laos, so-called Portuguese Guinea, South Africa, or Palestine — to all exploited countries fighting for their emancipation — we must simultaneously extend our voice of friendship, our hand and our encouragement, to our fraternal peoples in Venezuela, Guatemala and Colombia, who today, arms in hand, are resolutely saying “No!” to the imperialist enemy.
Few settings from which to make this declaration are as symbolic as Algiers, one of the most heroic capitals of freedom. May the magnificent Algerian people — schooled as few others in sufferings for independence, under the decisive leadership of its party, headed by our dear compañero Ahmed Ben Bella — serve as an inspiration to us in this fight without quarter against world imperialism.
. Che Guevara delivered this speech at the Second Economic Seminar of Afro- Asian Solidarity, February 24, 1965. He had been touring Africa since December, after addressing the United Nations General Assembly on December 11, 1964. At this crucial time Che was preparing for his involvement in the liberation movement in the Congo, which began in April 1965. This edition of the speech incorporates for the first time corrections made by Che Guevara to the original published version of the Algiers speech. The corrections were made available from the personal archive of Che Guevara held at the Che Guevara Studies Center, Havana.
. Che's participation in the Algiers conference reflects the relationship of Cuba to the Third World. In 1959, following the triumph of the revolution, from June to September, Che embarked on a tour of the countries involved in the Bandung Pact. The Bandung Pact was the precursor to what later became the Movement of Nonaligned Nations. At the First Seminar on Planning in Algeria on July 16, 1963, Che had outlined the experiences of the Cuban Revolution, explaining that he had accepted the invitation to attend “only in order to offer a little history of our economic development, of our mistakes and successes, which might prove useful to you some time in the near future...”
. In this speech Che defined very precisely his revolutionary thesis for the Third World and the integration of the struggle for national liberation with socialist ideas. Che's call in Algeria on the socialist countries to give unconditional and radical support to the Third World provoked much debate. Nevertheless, history would prove him correct.
. This definition of unequal exchange was part of Che's profound appeal made in Geneva on March 25, 1964, at the UN World Conference on Economics and Development in the Third World: “It is our duty to... draw to the attention of those present that while the status quo is maintained and justice is determined by powerful interests... it will be difficult to eliminate the prevailing tensions that endanger humankind.”
. For Che, socialism inherently meant overcoming exploitation as an essential step toward a just and humane society. Che was outspoken on this issue in debates and was often misunderstood, as was his emphasis on the need for international unity in the struggle for socialism. Che's idea was that the international socialist forces would contribute to the economic and social development of the peoples that liberated themselves.
. Che's direct participation from 1959 to 1965 in the construction of a technological and material basis for Cuban society is strongly linked to his idea of creating the new man and woman. This is a question that he constantly returned to, considering it one of the two main pillars on which a new society would be constructed. His strategy was not only to solve immediate problems but to put in place certain structures that would secure Cuba's future scientific and technological development. He was able to advance this strategy during his time as head of the Ministry of Industry. For further reading on this topic, see his speeches: “May the Universities be Filled with Negroes, Mulattos, Workers and Peasants” (1960) and “Youth and Revolution” (1964).
. In his efforts to understand fully the tasks in the transition to a socialist economy, Che came to see the vital role of economic planning, especially in the construction of a socialist economy in an underdeveloped country that retained elements of capitalism. Planning is necessary because it represents the first human attempt to control economic forces and characterizes this transitional period. He warned also of the trend within socialism to reform the economic system by strengthening the market, material interests and the law of value. To counter this trend, Che advocated centralized, antibureaucratic planning that enriched consciousness. His idea was to use conscious and organized action as the fundamental driving force of planning. For further reading see his article “The Significance of Socialist Planning” (1964).
In May 1997, Chris McGreal reported for South Africa's Mail & Guardian that "Kinshasa's reactor is an indirect spin-off of the Americans Second World War atomic bomb project. The uranium for the bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki was mined in what was then the Belgian Congo. After the war, the US rewarded Belgium with its own nuclear centre. In 1958, when Brussels thought it would hold onto its colony for many years, Belgium built the Kinshasa reactor, the first in Africa. Two years later, Zaire won its independence. The reactor - updated with a new model in the mid-1970's - is principally used for medical and genetic research. The latest experiments include bombarding corn with neutrons. The International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna makes yearly inspections and helps meet the running costs. But it can only offer suggestions and has no authority to shut the reactor down."
noot LT: draagwijdte van dit gegeven ?
Jump to navigationJump to search
This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.
Find sources: "Bandung Conference" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (April 2012) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
The venue in 1955
The building in 2007; now it is a museum of the conference
The first large-scale Asian–African or Afro–Asian Conference—also known as the Bandung Conference (Indonesian: Konferensi Asia-Afrika)—was a meeting of Asian and African states, most of which were newly independent, which took place on 18-24 April 1955 in Bandung, Indonesia. The twenty-nine countries that participated at the Bandung Conference represented nearly one-quarter of the Earth's land surface and a total population of 1.5 billion people, roughly 54% of the Earth's population at the time. The conference was organised by Indonesia, Burma (Myanmar), Pakistan, Ceylon (Sri Lanka), and India and was coordinated by Ruslan Abdulgani, secretary general of the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
The conference's stated aims were to promote Afro-Asian economic and cultural cooperation and to oppose colonialism or neocolonialism by any nation. The conference was an important step toward the Non-Aligned Movement.
In 2005, on the 50th anniversary of the original conference, leaders from Asian and African countries met in Jakarta and Bandung to launch the New Asian-African Strategic Partnership (NAASP). They pledged to promote political, economic, and cultural cooperation between the two continents.
5 United States involvement
6 Outcome and legacy
6.1 Asian-African Summit of 2005
6.2 Other anniversaries
7 See also
9 Further reading
10 External links
The conference of Bandung was preceded by the Bogor Conference (1949). The Bogor Conference was the seed for the Colombo Plan and Bandung Conference. The 2nd Bogor Conference was held 28-29 December 1954.
The Bandung Conference reflected what the organisers regarded as a reluctance by the Western powers to consult with them on decisions affecting Asia in a setting of Cold War tensions; their concern over tension between the People's Republic of China and the United States; their desire to lay firmer foundations for China's peace relations with themselves and the West; their opposition to colonialism, especially French influence in North Africa and its colonial rule in Algeria; and Indonesia's desire to promote its case in the dispute with the Netherlands over western New Guinea (Irian Barat).
Sukarno, the first president of the Republic of Indonesia, portrayed himself as the leader of this group of states, which he later described as "NEFOS" (Newly Emerging Forces). His daughter, Megawati Sukarnoputri headed the PDI-P party during both summit anniversaries, and the President of Indonesia Joko Widodo during the 3rd summit was a member of her party.
On 4 December 1954 the United Nations announced that Indonesia had successfully gotten the issue of West New Guinea placed on the agenda of the 1955 General Assembly, plans for the Bandung conference were announced in December 1954.
Plenary hall of the conference building
Major debate centered around the question of whether Soviet policies in Eastern Europe and Central Asia should be censured along with Western colonialism. A memo was submitted by 'The Moslem Nations under Soviet Imperialism', accusing the Soviet authorities of massacres and mass deportations in Muslim regions, but it was never debated. A consensus was reached in which "colonialism in all of its manifestations" was condemned, implicitly censuring the Soviet Union, as well as the West. China played an important role in the conference and strengthened its relations with other Asian nations. Having survived an assassination attempt on the way to the conference, the Chinese premier, Zhou Enlai, displayed a moderate and conciliatory attitude that tended to quiet fears of some anticommunist delegates concerning China's intentions.
Later in the conference, Zhou Enlai signed on to the article in the concluding declaration stating that overseas Chinese owed primary loyalty to their home nation, rather than to China – a highly sensitive issue for both his Indonesian hosts and for several other participating countries. Zhou also signed an agreement on dual nationality with Indonesian foreign minister Sunario.
Countries represented in the Asia-Africa Conference in Bandung, Indonesia in 1955. Twenty-nine independent countries were present, representing over half the world's population. Vietnam is represented twice by both North Vietnam and the State of Vietnam, which became South Vietnam.
Member states of the Non-Aligned Movement (2012). Light blue states have observer status.
Afghanistan Kingdom of Afghanistan
Cambodia Kingdom of Cambodia
Dominion of Ceylon
People's Republic of China
Egypt Republic of Egypt
Kingdom of Iraq
Laos Kingdom of Laos
Libya Kingdom of Libya
Nepal Kingdom of Nepal
Dominion of Pakistan
Syria Syrian Republic
Sudan Republic of the Sudan
South Vietnam State of Vietnam
Democratic Republic of Vietnam
Yemen Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen
1 A pre-independent colonial Cyprus was represented by [the] eventual first president, Makarios III.
Some nations were given "observer status". Such was the case of Brazil, who sent Ambassador Bezerra de Menezes.
A 10-point "declaration on promotion of world peace and cooperation," incorporating the principles of the United Nations Charter was adopted unanimously:
Respect for fundamental human rights and for the purposes and principles of the charter of the United Nations
Respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations
Recognition of the equality of all races and of the equality of all nations large and small
Abstention from intervention or interference in the internal affairs of another country
Respect for the right of each nation to defend itself, singly or collectively, in conformity with the charter of the United Nations
(a) Abstention from the use of arrangements of collective defence to serve any particular interests of the big powers
(b) Abstention by any country from exerting pressures on other countries
Refraining from acts or threats of aggression or the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any country
Settlement of all international disputes by peaceful means, such as negotiation, conciliation, arbitration or judicial settlement as well as other peaceful means of the parties own choice, in conformity with the charter of the United Nations
Promotion of mutual interests and cooperation
Respect for justice and international obligations.
The final Communique of the Conference underscored the need for developing countries to loosen their economic dependence on the leading industrialised nations by providing technical assistance to one another through the exchange of experts and technical assistance for developmental projects, as well as the exchange of technological know-how and the establishment of regional training and research institutes.
United States involvement
For the US, the Conference accentuated a central dilemma of its Cold War policy: by currying favor with Third World nations by claiming opposition to colonialism, it risked alienating its colonialist European allies. The US security establishment also feared that the Conference would expand China's regional power. In January 1955 the US formed a "Working Group on the Afro-Asian Conference" which included the Operations Coordinating Board (OCB), the Office of Intelligence Research (OIR), the Department of State, the Department of Defense, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the United States Information Agency (USIA). The OIR and USIA followed a course of "Image Management" for the US, using overt and covert propaganda to portray the US as friendly and to warn participants of the Communist menace.
The United States, at the urging of Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, shunned the conference and was not officially represented. However, the administration issued a series of statements during the lead-up to the Conference. These suggested that the US would provide economic aid, and attempted to reframe the issue of colonialism as a threat by China and the Eastern Bloc.
Representative Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. (D-N.Y.) attended the conference, sponsored by Ebony and Jet magazines instead of the U.S. government. Powell spoke at some length in favor of American foreign policy there which assisted the United States's standing with the Non-Aligned. When Powell returned to the United States, he urged President Dwight D. Eisenhower and Congress to oppose colonialism and pay attention to the priorities of emerging Third World nations.
African American author Richard Wright attended the conference with funding from the Congress for Cultural Freedom. Wright spent about three weeks in Indonesia, devoting a week to attending the conference and the rest of his time to interacting with Indonesian artists and intellectuals in preparation to write several articles and a book on his trip to Indonesia and attendance at the conference. Wright's essays on the trip appeared in several Congress for Cultural Freedom magazines, and his book on the trip was published as The Color Curtain: A Report on the Bandung Conference. Several of the artists and intellectuals with whom Wright interacted (including Mochtar Lubis, Asrul Sani, Sitor Situmorang, and Beb Vuyk) continued discussing Wright's visit after he left Indonesia.
Outcome and legacy
The conference was followed by the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Conference in Cairo in September (1957) and the Belgrade Conference (1961), which led to the establishment of the Non-Aligned Movement. In later years, conflicts between the nonaligned nations eroded the solidarity expressed at Bandung.
Asian-African Summit of 2005
To mark the 50th anniversary of The Summit, Heads of State and Government of Asian-African countries attended a new Asian-African Summit from 20–24 April 2005 in Bandung and Jakarta. Some sessions of the new conference took place in Gedung Merdeka (Independence Building), the venue of the original conference. Of the 106 nations invited to the historic summit, 89 were represented by their heads of state or government or ministers. The Summit was attended by 54 Asian and 52 African countries.
The 2005 Asian African Summit yielded, inter-alia, the Declaration of the New Asian–African Strategic Partnership (NAASP), the Joint Ministerial Statement on the NAASP Plan of Action, and the Joint Asian African Leaders’ Statement on Tsunami, Earthquake and other Natural Disasters. The conclusion of aforementioned declaration of NAASP is the Nawasila (nine principles) supporting political, economic, and socio-cultural cooperation.
The Summit concluded a follow-up mechanism for institutionalization process in the form of Summit concurrent with Business Summit every four years, Ministerial Meeting every two years, and Sectoral Ministerial as well as Technical Meeting if deemed necessary.
On the 60th anniversary of the Asian-African Conference and the 10th anniversary of the NAASP, a 3rd summit was held in Bandung and Jakarta from 21–25 April 2015, with the theme Strengthening South-South Cooperation to Promote World Peace and Prosperity. Delegates from 109 Asian and African countries, 16 observer countries and 25 international organizations participated.
Asian–African Legal Consultative Organization
Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence
Sino-Indonesian Dual Nationality Treaty
geographer, Matt Rosenberg Matt Rosenberg is a professional; book, writer with over 20 years of experience He is the author of both a geography reference; contests, a guide to winning National Geography Bee. "Current World Population and Future Projections". ThoughtCo. Retrieved 10 February 2019.
Bandung Conference of 1955 and the resurgence of Asia and Africa Archived 13 May 2012 at the Wayback Machine, Daily News, Sri Lanka
"Asian-African Conference timeline". The Jakarta Post. Retrieved 8 September 2017.
Cowie, H.R. (1993). Australia and Asia. A changing Relationship, 18.
United Nations General Assembly, Report of the First Committee A/2831
Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), p. 156.
Schindler, Colin (2012). Israel and the European Left. New York: Continuum. p. 205. ISBN 978-1441150134.
"Bandung Conference - Asia-Africa ". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 10 February 2019.
Cyprus and the Non–Aligned Movement Archived 2016-03-03 at the Wayback Machine, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, (April, 2008)
Jayaprakash, N D (June 5, 2005). "India and the Bandung Conference of 1955 – II". People's Democracy – Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist). XXIX (23). Archived from the original on 11 March 2007. Retrieved 2007-02-07.
Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), p. 154. "... Bandung presented Washington with a geopolitical quandary. Holding the Cold War line against communism depended on the crumbling European empires. Yet U.S. support for that ancien régime was sure to earn the resentment of Third World nationalists fighting against colonial rule. The Eastern Bloc, facing no such guilt by association, thus did not face the choice Bandung presented to the United States: side with the rising Third World tide, or side with the shaky imperial structures damming it in."
Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), p. 155.
Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), pp. 157–158.
Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), p. 161. "An OCB memorandum of March 28 [...] recounts the efforts by OIR and the working group to distribute intelligence 'on Communist intentions, and [on] suggestions for countering Communist designs.' These were sent to U.S. posts overseas, with instructions to confer with invitee governments, and to brief friendly attendees. Among the latter, 'efforts will be made to exploit [the Bangkok message] through the Thai, Pakistani, and Philippine delegations.' Posts in Japan and Turkey would seek to do likewise. On the media front, the administration briefed members of the American press; '[this] appear[s] to have been instrumental in setting the public tone.' Arrangements had also been made for USIA coverage. In addition, the document refers to budding Anglo-American collaboration in the 'Image Management' effort surrounding Bandung."
Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), p. 162.
"Adam Clayton Powell Jr". United States House of Representatives. Retrieved February 1, 2015.
Roberts, Brian Russell (2013). Artistic Ambassadors: Literary and International Representation of the New Negro Era. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press. pp. 146–172. ISBN 0813933684.
Roberts, Brian Russell; Foulcher, Keith (2016). Indonesian Notebook: A Sourcebook on Richard Wright and the Bandung Conference. Durham: Duke University Press. ISBN 0822360667.
Mancall, Mark. 1984. China at the Center. p. 427
Nazli Choucri, "The Nonalignment of Afro-Asian States: Policy, Perception, and Behaviour", Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue canadienne de science politique, Vol. 2, No. 1.(Mar., 1969), pp. 1-17.
"Seniors official meeting" (PDF). MFA of Indonesia. Retrieved 2012-10-01.
Parker, Jason C. "Small Victory, Missed Chance: The Eisenhower Administration, the Bandung Conference, and the Turning of the Cold War." In The Eisenhower Administration, the Third World, and the Globalization of the Cold War. Ed. Kathryn C. Statler & Andrew L. Johns. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006. ISBN 0742553817
Asia-Africa Speaks From Bandung. Jakarta: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Indonesia, 1955.
Ampiah, Kweku. The Political and Moral Imperatives of the Bandung Conference of 1955 : the Reactions of the US, UK and Japan. Folkestone, UK : Global Oriental, 2007. ISBN 1-905246-40-4
Brown, Colin. 2012. "The Bandung Conference and Indonesian Foreign Policy", Ch 9 in Anne Booth, Chris Manning and Thee Kian Wie, 2012, Essays in Honour of Joan Hardjono, Jakarta: Yayasan Pustaka Obor Indonesia.
Dinkel, Jürgen, The Non-Aligned Movement. Genesis, Organization and Politics (1927-1992), New Perspectives on the Cold War 5, Brill: Leiden/Boston 2019. ISBN:978-90-04-33613-1
Kahin, George McTurnan. The Asian-African Conference: Bandung, Indonesia, April 1955. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1956.
Lee, Christopher J., ed, Making a World After Empire: The Bandung Moment and Its Political Afterlives. Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2010. ISBN 978-0896802773
Mackie, Jamie. Bandung 1955: Non-Alignment and Afro-Asian Solidarity. Singapore: Editions Didier Millet, 2005. ISBN 981-4155-49-7
Finnane, Antonia, and Derek McDougall, eds, Bandung 1955: Little Histories. Melbourne: Monash Asia Institute, 2010. ISBN 978-1-876924-73-7
Modern History Sourcebook: Prime Minister Nehru: Speech to Asian-African Conference Political Committee, 1955
Modern History Sourcebook: President Sukarno of Indonesia: Speech at the Opening of the Asian-African Conference, 18 April 1955
"Asian-African Conference: Communiqué; Excerpts" (PDF). Egyptian presidency website. 24 April 1955. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2011-04-23. Retrieved 23 April 2011.
gissing die veroorzaakt was door een ongeval tengevolge waarvan de gouverneur naar een Franse stad was gevoerd. Na de bevrijding, op 17 oktober 1944, werd hem door de minister van binnenlandse zaken E. Ronse eervol ontslag verleend, met het recht de eretitel van zijn ambt te dragen. Hendrik Baels, als Vlaamsgezinde gevormd in de geest van Vliebergh, werkte in zijn Leuvense studententijd mee aan Ons Leven en aan Met Tijd en Vlijt, waarvoor hij gedichten en schetsen schreef. In 1908 behoorde hij tot de ondertekenaars van het Vertoogschrift, waarmee katholieke Vlaamsgezinden protesteerden tegen de verwerping van het wetsvoorstel-Coremans. Kort na zijn studie werd hij lid van de Commissie tot Vervlaamsching der Gentsche Hoogeschool. In Oostende stichtte hij diverse socio-culturele ontwikkelingswerken" en richtte er een afdeling op van de katholieke Vlaamse Hogeschooluitbreiding, waarvan hij voorzitter werd. Toen hij gemeenteraadslid werd, was hij de eerste die opnieuw het Nederlands in het Oostendse stadhuis gebruikte. In de Eerste Wereldoorlog werkte hij van Engeland uit mee aan het Vlaamsgezinde dagblad De Belgische Standaard. In 1919 woonde hij de plechtige inwijding van het standbeeld van Rodenbach te Roeselare bij. een feest dat als een nieuwe start van de V.B. kon worden beschouwd, en als jonge volksvertegenwoordiger toonde hij zich spoedig voorstander van amnestie, waarvoor hij o.m. pleitte in de eerste besprekingen die daarover in de Katholieke Vlaamsche Kamergroep werden gehouden. Hij behoorde ook tot de vooraanstaande Vlamingen die in 1920 op het proces-Dosfel hulde kwamen brengen aan de activistische voorman. In de regering hield hij het bij de christen-democratische richting. Baels werd algemeen beschouwd als een Vlaamse
gentleman", sterk onder de invloed van de Angelsaksische cultuur. (Zijn dochter Mary Lilian. in Londen geboren, zou hij na haar collegetijd naar een Engelse 'finishing school' zenden.) Als gouverneur toonde hij zijn bezorgdheid voor de , volksverheffing". Die wilde hij o.m. bereiken door de democratisering van diverse artistieke mogelijkheden. Zo richtte hij in 1939 een oproep tot vooraanstaande Westvlamingen met het oog op de oprichting van een vereniging zonder winst bejag die de verspreiding van kunstwerken en boeken zou bevorderen door het organiseren van tentoonstellingen, door aankoop van kunstwerken voor gemeentehuizen en andere openbare gebouwen e.d.m. Hij hoopte die actie later over het gehele Vlaamse land te kunnen uitbreiden, wat door de oorlog werd verhinderd. LITERATUUR: Advocaat Baels, in Geneeskundig Tijdschrift voor België (31 januari 1912): - Hendrik Baels minister, in ons Volk Ontwaakt (6 juni 1926): - M. Baels, in Pourquoi pas ? (17 april 1931): - West-Vlaanderen geeft den eersten stoor, in Gazet van Antwerpen (7 mei 1939): - Le scandale Baels, in La Dernière Heure (25 augustus, 3 en 11 september, 1 november 1945): - Het geval Baels. De andere klank van de klok, in De Nieuwe Standaard (5 september 1945): - V. Larock. Un aspect de la Question Royale" (1948): - P. Hildebrand, Het Vlaamsgezinde dagblad De Belgische Standaard (1957): - A. de Bruyne. Lodewijk Dosfel (1967): - T. Aronson, The Coburgs of Belgium (1968): - A. de Bruyne. De kwade jaren, II (1971).
Bron: Marine Archiv (20170528)
Roma, città aperta geldt als een van de belangrijkste films uit het Italiaanse neorealisme.
Rome verkeert in 1944 in de nadagen van de Duitse bezetting. Een verzetsgroep wordt door de Gestapo in de gaten gehouden. Opeens pakt het de meeste leden daarvan op. Enkelen worden bevrijd, maar door verraad loopt het met de meeste mensen slecht af.
De film wordt onder meer herinnerd om de scène aan het eind, waarin Pina (Anna Magnani) achter een vrachtwagen aanrent waarin haar verloofde Francesco (Francesco Grandjacquet) wordt afgevoerd en waarbij zijzelf neergeschoten wordt.
Records of the Executive Assistant, Special Assistant and Consultants
Harold H. Neff served as an expert and adviser on foreign economic matters to the Under Secretary of War from September 1941 until September 1945. As such, he was principally concerned with ensuring adequate supplies of critical and strategic defense materials for the United States and its Allies while denying these essential materials to the Axis powers, analyzing the industrial and economic strength of the enemy, and serving as the Under Secretary of War's major contact with the War Department liaison office attached to the Board of Economic Warfare and its successors, the Office of Economic Warfare and the Foreign Economic Administration.
Special Assistant for Economic Warfare Harold H. Neff, General File 1943-1945
Neff's correspondence with the Under Secretary of War consists largely of memorandums outlining his views on the policy the War Department should recommend or pursue on such issues as alleged Swedish violations of the Anglo- Swedish War Trade Agreement of 1939; smuggling of oil, diamonds, and other minerals into Germany by neutral countries; exportation of aviation gasoline to Sweden and Spain; and, implementation of a blockade against Japan. There are also synopses of lengthy reports and studies prepared by Neff and forwarded to the Under Secretary of War on such broader subjects as neutral trade and German economic strengths and weaknesses. The rest of the series includes short notes Neff prepared as aides-memoir, summarizing meetings he had attended and telephone conversations he had held; minutes of meetings of the BEW [Board of Economic Warfare] (with Neff's comments on the matters discussed); mimeographed copies of area studies and reports prepared by the Board of Economic Warfare; Foreign Economic Administration, and the Research and Analysis Branch of the Office of Strategic Services; War and State Departments cablegrams on economic conditions in Europe; and export license applications received from Spain, Portugal, Turkey, and Sweden. The records are arranged in two alphabetical sequences: the first by office or subject; the second by name of country. The four largest country files (Portugal, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland) are further divided as follows: general, cables, statistics, and various subjects arranged alphabetically. Boxes 906-929 location: 390/9/28/05
Box # File Title and/or Subject
906-907 Board of Economic Warfare, Office of Economic Warfare, Foreign Economic Administration; location: 390/9/28/05
910 BEW [Board of Economic Warfare], Neutral Trade
912 War Refugee Board location: 390/9/28/06
913 Argentina location: 390/9/28/06
914 Europe-"Safehaven" location: 390/9/28/06
915 Germany; Italy location: 390/9/28/06
919-919 Portugal location: 390/9/28/07
920-921 Spain location: 390/9/28/07
922-926 Sweden location: 390/9/28/07
927-929 Switzerland location: 390/9/28/07
929 Turkey location: 390/9/29/01
October 11, 1939
Dear Mr. President:
With approaching fulfillment of your plans in connection with revision of the NeutralityAct, I trust that you may now be able to accord me the opportunity to present a
communication from Dr. Albert Einstein to you And other relevant material bearing on experimental work by physicists with far-reaching significance for National Defense.
Briefly, the experimentation that has been going on for half a dozen years on atomic disintegration has culminated this year (a) in the discovery by Dr. Leo Szilard and Professor Fermi that the element, uranium, could be split by neutrons and (b) in the opening up of the probability of chain reactions, - that is, that in this nuclear process uranium itself may emit neutrons. This new development in physics holds out the following prospects:
1. The creation of a new source of energy which might be utilized for purposes of power production;
2. The liberation from such chain reaction of new radio-active elements, so that tons rather than grams of radium could be made available in the medical field;
3. The construction, as an eventua1 probability, of bombs of hitherto unenvisaged potency and scope: As Dr. Einstein observes, in the letter which I will leave
with you, "a single bomb of this type carried by boat and exploded in a port might well destroy the whole
port together with some of the surrounding territory!"
In connection, then, with the practical importance of this work - for power, healing and
national defense purposes - it needs to be borne in mind that our supplies of uranium are limited
and poor in quality as compared with the large sources of excellent uranium in the Belgian Congo
and, next in line, Canada and former Czechoslovakia. It has come to the attention of Dr. Einstein
and the rest of the group concerned with this problem that Germany has actually stopped the sale
of uranium from the Czechoslovakian mines it seized. This action must be related to the fact that
the son of the German Under-Secretary of State, Karl von Weizsaecker, had been an assistant at
the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute in Berlin
to come of the great physicists now resident in this country who are carrying forward these
experiments on uranium.
Mindful of the implications of all this for democracy and civilization in the historic
struggle against the totalitarianism that has exploited the inventions of the free human spirit, Dr.
Szilard, in consultation with Professor E. P. Wigner, head of the physics department of Princeton,
and Professor E. Teller of George Washington University, sought to aid this work in the United
States through the formation of an association for scientific collaboration, to intensify the
cooperation of physicists in the democratic countries - such as Professor Joliet in Paris, Professor
Lindemann of Oxford and Dr. Dirac of Cambridge - and to withhold publication of the progress in
the work on chain reactions. As the international crisis developed this summer, these refugee
scholars and the rest of us in consultation with them unanimously agreed that it was their duty, as
well as desire, to apprise you at the earliest opportunity of their work and to enlist your
In view of the danger of German invasion of Belgium, it becomes urgent to make
arrangements - preferably through diplomatic channels - with the Union Miniere du
Haut-Katanga, whose head office is at Brussels, to make available abundant supplies of uranium
to the United States. In addition, it is necessary to enlarge and accelerate the experimental work,
which can no longer be carried out within the limited budgets of the departments of theoretical
physics in our universities. It is believed that public-spirited executives in our leading chemical and
electrical companies could be persuaded to make available certain amounts of uranium oxide and
quantities of graphite, and to bear the considerable expense of the newer phases of the
experimentation. An alternative plan would be the enlistment of one of the foundations to supply
the necessary materials and funds. For either plan and for all the purposes, it would seem
advisable to adopt the suggestion of Dr. Einstein that you designate an individual and a committee
to serve as a liaison between the scientists and the Executive Departments.
In the light of the foregoing, I desire to be able to convey in person, in behalf of these
refugee scholars, a sense of their eagerness to serve the nation that has afforded them hospitality,
and to present Dr. Einstein's letter together with a memorandum which Dr. Szilard prepared after
some discussion with me and copies of some of the articles that have appeared in scientific
journals. In addition, I would request in their behalf a conference with you in order to lay down the lines of policy with respect to the Belgian source
of supply and to arrange for a continuous liaison with the Administration and the Army and Navy
Departments, as well as to solve the immediate problems of necessary materials and funds.
With high regard,
/s/ Alexander Sachs
The White House,
Gertrude Fehr (1895 – 1996) was a German photographer.
She studied photography in the workshop of Edward Wasow, and at the Bavarian School.
After her apprenticeship with Wasow she established a photography studio dedicated mainly to portraits and the theater. Hitler's rise to power forced her to go to Paris, and while there with her husband she opened PUBLI-phot, a school of photography. In Paris she began to use solarisation for her photographs.
When war began in Paris, she had to go to Switzerland, where she created the photography school of Fehr.
After the war, she went to Vevey, where she worked as a photography teacher for fifteen years; one of her students was Jeanloup Sieff.
Beginning in the 1960s she devoted herself to doing portraits as a freelance photographer. Some of her work is held in the National Gallery of Canada, and some is held in the Musée de l’Elysée.
Money was een Edwardian liberal die de ongelijkheid in vermogen in GBR onderzocht aan de hand van de grootte van de nalatenschappen.
Deze berekening leidde tot een onderschatting van de ongelijkheid want velen werden niet meegeteld omdat ze niets nalieten en ze dus niet voorkwamen in de telling.
by Richard C. Pratt, Zachary Smith. 320 pgs.
...Hawai'i is in many ways the most unique of the American states. Distinguished by its unusual beauty, ethnic diversity, and lingering image as a paradise, Hawai'i is special
Hawaii: A History, from Polynesian Kingdom to American State
by Ralph S. Kuykendall, A. Grove Day. 336 pgs.
...in this fresh presentation of Hawaiian history for the reader of today. The...figures of eighteenth century Hawaiian history is not even mentioned by Cook...eighteenth...
A History of the Pacific Islands
by I. C. Campbell. 242 pgs.
...Zealand Maoris and Hawaiians had become citizens...colonizing power. The history of colonialism...of Polynesian history. The Hawaiians had robust double...hands of the...
Paradise Remade: The Politics of Culture and History in Hawai'i
by Elizabeth Buck. 246 pgs.
...This is a book about the politics of competing cultures and myths in a colonized nation. Elizabeth Buck considers the transformation of Hawaiian culture focusing on the...
The Pacific States of America: People, Politics, and Power in the Five Pacific Basin States
by Neal R. Peirce. 392 pgs.
...one of the best state governments in history, remarkably honest and responsive during...Warren court" assured itself a place in history by altering the basic thrust of...
An Island Kingdom Passes: Hawaii Becomes American
by Kathleen Dickenson Mellen. 387 pgs.
...volume I close a tetralogy of Hawaiian history from the birth of Kamehameha...measureless devotion. An era of Hawaiian history had died with him. The Hawaii...played an...
Kamaaina: A Century in Hawaii
by William A. Simonds, Keichi Kimura. 105 pgs.
...of time. As one student of Hawaiian history has put it, "no other island...doomed. Famous in the annals of Hawaiian history is the story of the high chieftainess...the...
Pineapple Town: Hawaii
by Edward Norbeck. 159 pgs.
...since established by Hawaiian corporations operating...companies. During the history of the pineapple...importantly into that history only in its later...peoples from which...
The Japanese Frontier in Hawaii, 1868-1898
by Hilary Conroy. 178 pgs.
...putting in at Hawaiian ports had made...age of whaling history. The whaling...Coman, "The History of Contract Labor in the Hawaiian Islands," Publications...verification of...
Cane Fires: The Anti-Japanese Movement in Hawaii, 1865-1945
by Gary Y. Okihiro . 330 pgs.
...Asian American history and culture series...than the persistent Hawaiian tradition of interracial...in expropriating Hawaiian land, installing...this interpretive history...
Hawaii, a Century of Economic Change, 1778-1876.
by Theodore Morgan. 262 pgs.
Landscapes of War: Rules and Conventions of Conflict in Ancient Hawai'i (and elsewhere), in American Antiquity
by Michael J. Kolb, Boyd Dixon. 1 pgs.
...in Hawaii Before 1778. The Hawaiian Journal of History 28: 1-21. Earle, T. 1977...Haleole, S. N. 1919 History of the Hawaiian Priesthood Called Hoomanamana...IT, J. 1963...
Excavations at the Kipapa Rockshelter, Kahikinui, Maui, Hawai'i, in Asian Perspectives: The Journal of Archaeology for Asia and the Pacific
by Sharyn Jones O'Day. 1 pgs.
...The Department of Hawaiian Homelands, likewise...Museum of Natural History, and comparative...Introduction to Hawaiian Archaeology
Sa Majesté l'Empereur d'Allemagne, Roi de Prusse, Sa Majesté l'Empereur d'Autriche, Roi de Bohême, etc. et Roi Apostolique de Hongrie, Sa Majesté le Roi des Belges, Sa Majesté le Roi de Danemark, Sa Majesté le Roi d'Espagne, le Président des Etats-Unis d'Amérique, le Président de la République Française, Sa Majesté la Reine du Royaume-Uni de la Grande-Bretagne et d'Irlande, Impératrice des Indes, Sa Majesté le Roi d'Italie, Sa Majesté le Roi des Pays-Bas, Grand-Duc de Luxembourg, etc., Sa Majesté le Roi de Portugal et des Algarves, etc., etc., etc., Sa Majesté l'Empereur de Toutes les Russies, Sa Majesté le Roi de Suède et de Norvège etc., etc. et Sa Majesté l'Empereur des Ottomans,
Voulant régler dans un esprit de bonne entente mutuelle les conditions les plus favorables au développement du commerce et de la civilisation dans certaines régions de l'Afrique, et assurer à tous les peuples les avantages de la libre navigation sur les deux principaux fleuves Africains qui se déversent dans l'Océan Atlantique; désireux d'autre part de prévenir les malentendus et les contestations que pourraient soulever à l'avenir les prises de possession nouvelles sur les côtes de l'Afrique, et préoccupés en même temps des moyens d'accroître le bien-être moral et matériel des populations indigènes, ont résolu, sur l'invitation qui Leur a été adressée par le Gouvernement Impérial d'Allemagne d'accord avec le Gouvernement de la République Française de réunir à cette fin une Conférence à Berlin et ont nommé pour Leurs Plénipotentiaires, savoir:
Sa Majesté l'Empereur d'Allemagne, Roi de Prusse:
le Sieur Othon, Prince DE BISMARCK, Son Président du Conseil des Ministres de Prusse, Chancelier de l'Empire,
le Sieur Paul, Comte DE HATZFELDT, Son Ministre d'Etat et Secrétaire d'Etat du Département des Affaires Etrangères,
le Sieur Auguste BUSCH, Son Conseiller Intime Actuel de Légation et Sous-Secrétaire d'Etat au Département des Affaires Etrangères,
le Sieur Henri de KUSSEROW, Son Conseiller Intime de Légation au Département des Affaires Etrangères;
Sa Majesté l'Empereur d'Autriche, Roi de Bohème, etc. et Roi Apostolique de Hongrie:
le Sieur Emeric, Comte SZÉCHÉNYI, DE SARVARI FELSÖ-VIDÉK, Chambellan et Conseiller Intime Actuel, Son Ambassadeur Extraordinaire et Plénipotentiaire près Sa Majesté l'Empereur d'Allemagne, Roi de Prusse;
Sa Majesté le Roi des Belges:
le Sieur Gabriel, Auguste, Comte VAN DER STRATEN-PONTHOZ, Son Envoyé Extraordinaire et Ministre Plénipotentiaire pres Sa Majesté l'Empereur d'Allemagne, Roi de Prusse,
le Sieur Auguste, Baron LAMBERMONT, Ministre d'Etat, Son Envoyé Extraordinaire et Ministre Plénipotentiaire;
Sa Majesté le Roi de Danemark:
le Sieur Emile DE VIND, Chambellan, Son Envoyé Extraordinaire et Ministre Plénipotentiaire près Sa Majesté l'Empereur d'Allemagne, Roi de Prusse;
Sa Majesté le Roi d'Espagne:
Don Francisco MERRY Y COLOM, Comte DE BENOMAR, Son Envoyé Extraordinaire et Ministre Plénipotentiaire près Sa Majesté l'Empereur d'Allemagne, Roi de Prusse;
Le Président des Etats-Unis d'Amérique:
le sieur John A. KASSON, Envoyé Extraordinaire et Ministre Plénipotentiaire des Etats-Unis d'Amérique près Sa Majesté l'Empereur d'Allemagne, Roi de Prusse,
le Sieur Henry S. SANFORD, ancien Ministre;
Le Président de la République Française:
le Sieur Alphonse, Baron DE COURCEL, Ambassadeur Extraordinaire et Plénipotentiaire de France près Sa Majesté l'Empereur d'Allemagne, Roi de Prusse;
Sa Majesté la Reine du Royaume-Uni de la Grande-Bretagne et d'Irlande, Impératrlce des Indes:
Sir Edward-Baldwin MALET, Son Ambassadeur Extraordinaire et Plénipotentiaire près Sa Majesté l'Empereur d'AIlemagne, Roi de Prusse;
Sa Majesté le Roi d'Italie:
le Sieur Edouard, Comte DE LAUNAY, Son Ambassadeur Extraordinaire et Plénipotentiaire près Sa Majesté l'Empereur d'Allemagne, Roi de Prusse;
Sa Majesté le Roi des Pays-Bas, Grand-Duc de Luxembourg, etc.:
le Sieur Fréderic, Philippe, Jonkheer VAN DER HOEVEN, Son Envoyé Extraordinaire et Ministre Plénipotentiaire près Sa Majesté l'Empereur d'AIlemagne, Roi de Prusse;
Sa Majestè le Roi de Portugal et des Algarves etc. etc. etc.:
le Sieur DA SERRA GOMES, Marquis de PENAFIEL, Pair du Royaume, Son Envoyé Extraordinaire et Ministre Plénipotentiaire près Sa Majesté l'Empereur d'Allemagne, Roi de Prusse,
le Sieur Antoine DE SERPA PIMENTEL, Conseiller d'Etait et Pair du Royaume;
Sa Majesté l'Empereur de toutes les Russies:
le Sieur Pierre, Comte KAPNIST, Conseiller Privé, Son Envoyé Extraordinaire et Ministre Plénipotentiaire près Sa Majesté le Roi des Pays-Bas;
Sa Majesté le Roi de Suède et de Norvège, etc., etc.:
le Sieur Gillis, Baron BILDT, Lieutenant Général, Son Envoyé Extraordinaire et Ministre Plénipotentiaire près Sa Majesté l'Empereur d'Allemagne, Roi de Prusse;
Sa Majesté l'Empereur des Ottomans:
Méhemed SAÏD PACHA, Vézir et Haut Dignitaire, Son Ambassadeur Extraordinaire et Plénipotentiaire près Sa Majesté l'Empereur d'Allemagne, Roi de Prusse,
Lesquels, munis de pleins-pouvoirs qui ont été trouvés en bonne et due forme, ont successivement discuté et adopté:
1° Une Déclaration relative à la liberté du commerce dans le bassin du Congo, ses embouchures et pays circonvoisins, avec certaines dispositions connexes;
2° Une Déclaration concernant la traite des esclaves et les opérations qui sur terre ou sur mer foumissent des esclaves à la traite;
3° Une Déclaration relative à la neutralité des territoires compris dans le bassin conventionnel du Congo;
4° Un Acte de navigation du Congo, qui, en tenant compte des circonstances locales, étend à ce ﬂeuve, à ses affluents et aux eaux qui leur sont assimilées, les principes généraux énoncés dans les articles 108 à 116 de l'Acte final du Congrès de Vienne et destinés à régler, entre les Puissances signataires de cet Acte, la libre navigation des cours d'eau navigables qui séparent ou traversent plusieurs États, principes conventionnellement appliqués depuis à des fleuves de l'Europe et de I'Amérique, et notamment au Danube, avec les modifications prévues par les traités de Paris de 1856, de Berlin de 1878, et de Londres de 1871 et de 1883;
5° Un Acte de navigation du Niger, qui, en tenant également compte des circonstances locales, étend à ce fleuve et à ses affluents les mêmes principes inscrits dans les articles 108 à 116 de l'Acte final du Congrès de Vienne;
6° Une Déclaration introduisant dans les rapports internationaux des règles uniformes relatives aux occupations qui pourront avoir lieu à l'avenir sur les côtes du Continent Africain;
Et ayant jugé que ces différents documents pourraient être utilement coordonnés en un seul instrument, les ont réunis en un Acte général composé des articles suivants.
CHAPITRE 1er. – DÉCLARATION RELATIVE A LA LIBERTÉ DU COMMERCE DANS LE BASSIN DU CONGO, SES EMBOUCHURES ET PAYS CIRCONVOISINS, ET DISPOSITIONS CONNEXES.
Art. 1er. -- Le commerce de toutes les nations jouira d'une complète liberté:
1° Dans tous les territoires constituant le bassin du Congo et de ses affluents. Ce bassin est délimité par les crêtes des bassins contigus, à savoir notamment les bassins du Niari, de l'Ogowé, du Schari et du Nil, au Nord; par la ligne de faite orientale des affluents du lac Tanganyka, à l'Est; par les crêtes des bassins du Zambèze et de la Logé, au Sud. Il embrasse, en conséquence, tous les territoires drainés par le Congo et ses affluents, y compris le lac Tanganyka et ses tributaires orientaux.
2° Dans la zone maritime s'étendant sur l'0céan Atlantique depuis le parallèle situé par 2° 30' de latitude Sud jusqu'à l`embouchure de la Logé.
La limite septentrionale suivra le parallèle situé par 2° 30', depuis la côte jusqu'au point où il rencontre le bassin géographique du Congo, en évitant le bassin de l'Ogowé auquel ne s'appliquent pas les stipulations du présent Acte.
La limite méridionale suivra le cours de la Logé jusqu'à la source de cette rivière et se dirigera de là vers l'Est jusqu'à la jonction avec le bassin géographique du Congo.
3° Dans la zone se prolongeant à l'Est du bassin du Congo, tel qu'il est délimité ci-dessus, jusqu'à l'Océan Indien, depuis le cinquième degré de latitude Nord jusquà l'embouchure du Zambèze au Sud; de ce point la ligne de démarcation suivra le Zambèze jusqu'à cinq milles en amont du continent du Shiré et continuera par la ligne de faite séparant les eaux qui coulent vers le lac Nyassa des eaux tributaires du Zambèze, pour rejoindre enfin la ligne de partage des eaux du Zambèze et du Congo.
ll est expressement entendu qu'en étendant à cette zone orientale le principe de la liberté commerciale, les Puissances représentées à la Conférence ne s'engagent que pour elles-mêmes et que ce principe ne s'appliquera aux territoires appartenant actuellement à quelque Etat indépendant et souverain qu'autant que celui-ci y donnera son consentement. Les Puissances conviennent d'employer leurs bons ofﬁces auprès des Gouvernements établis sur le littoral Africain de la mer des Indes afin d'obtenir le dit consentement et, en tout cas, d'assurer au transit de toutes les nations les conditions les plus favorables.
Art. 2. -- Tous les pavillons, sans distinction de nationalité, auront libre acces à tout le littoral des territoires énumérés ci-dessus, aux rivières qui s'y déversent dans la mer, à toutes les eaux du Congo et de ses affluents, y compris les lacs, à tous les ports situés sur les bords de ces eaux, ainsi qu'à tous les canaux qui pourraient être creusés à l'avenir dans le but de relier entre eux les cours d'eau ou les lacs compris dans toute l'étendue des territoires décrits à l'article 1. Ils pourront entreprendre toute espèce de transports et exercer le cabotage maritime et fluvial ainsi que la batellerie sur le même pied que les nationaux.
Art. 3. -- Les marchandises de toute provenance importées dans ces territoires, sous quelque pavillon que ce soit, par la voie maritime ou fluviale ou par celle de terre, n'auront à acquitter d'autres taxes que celles qui pourraient être perçues comme une équitable compensation de dépenses utiles pour le commerce et qui, à ce titre, devront être également supportées par les nationaux et par les étrangers de toute nationalité.
Tout traitement différentiel est interdit à l'egard des navires comme des marchandises.
Art. 4. -- Les marchandises importées dans ces territoires resteront affranchies de droits d'entrée et de transit.
Les Puissances se réservent de décider, au terme d'une periode de vingt années, si la franchise d'entrée sera ou non maintenue.
Art. 5. -- Toute Puissance qui exerce ou exercera des droits de souveraineté dans les territoires susvisés ne pourra y concéder ni monopole ni privilège d'aucune espèce en matière commerciale.
Les étrangers y jouiront indistinctentent, pour la protection de leurs personnes et de leurs biens, l'acquisition et la transmission de leurs propriétés mobilières et immobilières et pour l'exercice des professions, du même traitement et des mêmes droits que les nationaux.
Art. 6. -– Dispositions relatives à la protection des indigènes, des missionnaires et des voyageurs, ainsi qu'à la liberté religieuse. -- Toutes les Puissances exerçant des droits de souveraineté ou une influence dans les dits territoires s'engagent à veiller à la conservation des populations indigènes et à l'amélioration de leurs conditions morales et matérielles d'existence et à concourir à la suppression de l'esclavage et surtout de la traite des noirs; elles protégeront et favoriseront, sans distinction de nationalité ni de cultes, toutes les institutions et entreprises religieuses, scientifiques ou charitables créées et organisées à ces fins ou tendant à instruire les indigènes et à leur faire comprendre et apprécier les avantages de la civilisation.
Les missionnaires chrétiiens, les savants, les explorateurs, leurs escortes, avoir et collections seront également l'objet d'une protection spéciale.
La liberté de conscience et la tolérance religieuse sont expressément garanties aux indigènes comme aux nationaux et aux étrangers. Le libre et public exercice de tous les cultes, le droit d'ériger des édifices religieux et d'organiser des missions appartenant à tous les cultes ne seront soumis à aucune restriction ni entrave.
Art. 7. –- Régime postal. -- La Convention de I'Union postale universelle revisée à Paris, le 1er juin 1878, sera appliquée au bassin conventionnel du Congo.
Les Puissances qui y exercent ou exerceront des droits de souveraineté ou de protectorat s'engagent à prendre, aussitôt que les circonstances le permettront, les mesures nécessaires pour l'exécution de la disposition qui précède.
Art. 8. –- Droit de surveillance attribué à la Commission Internationale de navigation du Congo. -- Dans toutes les parties du territoire visé par la présente Déclaration où aucune Puissance n'exercerait des droits de souveraineté ou de protectorat, la Commission Internationale de la navigation du Congo, instituée en vertu de l'article 17, sera chargée de surveiller l'application des principes proclamés et consacrés par cette Déclaration.
Pour tous les cas où des difficultés reIatives à l'application des principes établis par la présente Déclaration viendraient à surgir, les gouvernements intéressés pourront convenir de faire appel aux bons offices de la Commission lnternationale en lui déférant l'examen des faits qui auront donné lieu à ces difficultés.
CHAPITRE II. – DÉCLARATION CONCERNANT LA TRAITE DES ESCLAVES.
Art. 9. -- Conformément aux principes du droit des gens, tels qu'ils sont reconnus par les Puissances signataires, la traite des esclaves étant interdite, et les opérations qui, sur terre ou sur mer, fournissent des esclaves à la traite devant être également considérées comme interdites, les Puissances qui exercent ou qui exerceront des droits de souveraineté ou une influence dans les territoires formant le bassin conventionnel du Congo déclarent que ces territoires ne pourront servir ni de marché ni de voie de transit pour la traite des esclaves de quelque race que ce soit. Chacune de ces Puissances s'engage à employer tous les moyens en son pouvoir pour mettre fin à ce commerce et pour punir ceux qui s'en occupent.
CHAPITRE III. – DÉCLARATION RELATIVE À LA NEUTRALITÉ DES TERRITOIRES COMPRIS DANS LE BASSIN CONVENTIONNEL DU CONGO.
Art. 10. -- Afin de donner une garantie nouvelle de sécurité au commerce et à l'industrie et de favoriser, par le maintien de la paix, le développement de la civilisation dans les contrées mentionnées à l'article 1 et placées sous le régime de la liberté commerciale, le Hautes Parties signataires du présent Acte et celles qui y adhéreront par la suite s'engagent à respecter la neutralité des territoires ou parties de territoires dépendant des dites contrées, y compris les eaux territoriales, aussi longtemps que les Puissances qui exercent ou qui exerceront des droits de souveraineté ou de protectorat sur ces territoires, usant de la faculté de se proclamer neutres, rempliront les devoirs que la neutralité comporte.
Art. 11. -- Dans le cas où une Puissance exerçant des droits de souveraineté ou de protectorat dans les contrées mentionnées à l'article 1 et placées sous le régime de la liberté commerciale serait impliquée dans une guerre, les Hautes Parties signataires du présent Acte et celles qui y adhéreront par la suite s'engagent à prêter leurs bons offices pour que les territoires appartenant à cette Puissance et compris dans la zone conventionnelle de la liberté commerciale soient, du consentement commun de cette Puissance et de l'autre ou des autres parties belligérantes, placés pour la durée de la guerre sous le régime de la neutralité et considérés comme appartenant à un Etat non-belligérant; les parties belligérantes renonceraient, dès lors, à étendre les hostilités aux territoires ainsi neutralisés, aussi bien qu'à les faire servir de base à des opérations de guerre.
Art. 12. -- Dans le cas où un dissentiment sérieux, ayant pris naissance au sujet ou dans les limites des territoires mentionnés à l'article 1 et placés sous le régime de la liberté commerciale, viendrait à s'élever entre des Puissances signataires du présent Acte ou des Puissances qui y adhéreraient par la suite, ces Puissances s'engagent, avant d'en appeler aux armes, à recourir à la médiation d'une ou de plusieurs Puissances amies.
Pour le même cas, les mêmes Puissances se réservent le recours facultatif à la procédure de l'arbitrage.
CHAPITRE IV. – ACTE DE NAVIGATION DU CONGO.
Art. 13. -- La navigation du Congo, sans exception d'aucun des embranchements ni issues de ce ﬂeuve, est et demeurera entièrement libre pour les navires marchands, en charge ou sur lest, de toutes les nations, tant pour le transport des marchandises que pour celui des voyageurs. Elle devra se conformer aux dispositions du présent Acte de navigation et aux règlements à établir en exécution du même Acte.
Dans l'exercice de cette navigation les sujets et les pavillons de toutes les nations seront traités, sous tous les rapports, sur le pied d'une parfaite égalité, tant pour la navigation directe de la pleine mer vers les ports intérieurs du Congo, et vice-versa, que pour le grand et le petit cabotage ainsi que pour la batellerie sur le parcours de ce fleuve.
En conséquence, sur tout le parcours et aux embouchures du Congo, il ne sera fait aucune distinction entre les sujets des Etats riverains et ceux des non-riverains, et il ne sera concédé aucun privilége exclusif de navigation, soit à des sociétés ou corporations quelconques, soit à des particuliers.
Ces dispositions sont reconnues par les Puissances signataires comme faisant désormais partie du droit public international.
Art. 14. -- La navigation du Congo ne pourra être assujettie à aucune entrave ni redevance qui ne seraient pas expressément stipulées dans le présent Acte. Elle ne sera grevée d'aucune obligation d'échelle, d'étape, de dépot, de rompre charge, ou de relâche forcée.
Dans toute l'étendue du Congo, les navires et les marchandises transitant sur le fleuve ne seront soumis à aucun droit de transit, quelle que soit leur provenance ou leur destination.
ll ne sera établi aucun péage maritime ni fluvial basé sur le seul fait de la navigation, ni aucun droit sur les marchandises qui se trouvent à bord des navires. Pourront seuls être perçus des taxes ou droits qui auront le caractère de rétribution pour services rendus à la navigation même, savoir:
1° Des taxes de port pour l'usage elfectif de certains établissements locaux tels que quais, magasins, etc., etc.
Le tarif de ces taxes sera calculé sur les dépenses de construction et d'entretien des dits établissements locaux, et l'application en aura lieu sans égard à la provenance des navires ni à leur cargaison.
2° Des droits de pilotage sur les sections fluviales où il paraîtrait nécessaire de créer des stations de pilotes brevetés.
Le tarif de ces droits sera fixe et proportionné au service rendu;
3° Des droits destinés à couvrir les dépenses techniques et administratives, faites dans l'intérêt général de la navigation, y compris les droits de phare, de fanal et de balisage.
Les droits de cette dernière catégorie seront basés sur le tonnage des navires, tel qu'il résulte des papiers de bord, et conformément aux règles adoptées sur le Bas-Danube.
Les tarifs d'après lesquels les taxes et droits, énumérés dans les trois paragraphes précédents, seront perçus, ne comporteront aucun traitement différentiel et devront être officiellement publiés dans chaque port.
Les Puissances se réservent d'examiner, au bout d'une période de cinq ans, s'il y a lieu de reviser, d'un commun accord, les tarifs ci-dessus mentionnés.
Art. 15. -- Les affluents du Congo seront à tous égards soumis au même régime que le fleuve dont ils sont tributaires.
Le même régime sera appliqué aux fleuves et rivières ainsi qu'aux lacs et canaux des territoires déterminés par l'article 1, §§ 2 et 3.
Toutefois les attributions de la Commission Internationale du Congo ne s'étendront pas sur lesdits fleuves, rivières, lacs et canaux, à moins de l'assentiment des Etats sous la souverainté desquels ils sont placés. Il est bien entendu aussi que pour les territoires mentionnés dans l'article 1, paragraphe 3, le consentement des Etats souverains de qui ces territoires relèvent demeure réservé.
Art. 16. -- Les routes, chemins de fer ou canaux latéraux qui pourront être établis dans le but spécial de suppléer à l'innavigabilité ou aux imperfections de Ia voie fluviale sur certaines sections du parcours du Congo, de ses affluents et des autres cours d'eau qui leur sont assimilés par l'article 15 seront considérés, en leur qualité de moyens de communication, comme des dépendances de ce fleuve et seront également ouverts au trafic de toutes les nations.
De même que sur le fleuve, il ne pourra être perçu sur ces routes, chemins de fer et canaux que des péages calculés sur les dépenses de construction, d'entretien et d'administration, et sur les bénéfices dus aux entrepreneurs.
Quant au taux de ces péages, les étrangers et les nationaux des territoires respectifs seront traités sur le pied d'une parfaite égalité.
Art. 17. -- Il est institué une Commission Internationale chargée d'assurer l'exécution des dispositions du présent Acte de navigation.
Les Puissances signataires de cet Acte, ainsi que celles qui y adhéreront postérieurement, pourront, en tout temps, se faire représenter dans la dite Commission chacune par un Délégué. Aucun Délégué ne pourra disposer de plus d'une voix, même dans le cas où il représenterait plusieurs Gouvernements.
Ce Délégué sera directement rétribué par son gouvernement.
Les traitements et allocations des agents et employés de la Commission Internationale seront imputés sur le produit des droits perçus conformément à l'article 14, §§ 2 et 3.
Les chiffres des dits traitements et allocations, ainsi que le nombre, le grade et les attributions des agents et employés, seront inscrits dans le compte rendu qui sera adressé chaque année aux Gouvernements représentés dans la Commission Internationale.
Art. 18. -- Les Membres de la Commission Internationale, ainsi que les agents nommés par elle sont investis du privilège de l'inviolabilité dans l'exercice de leurs fonctions. La même garantie s'étendra aux offices, bureaux et archives de Ia Commission.
Art. 19. -- La Commission Internationale de navigation du Congo se constituera aussitôt que cinq des Puissances signataires du présent Acte général auront nommé leurs Délégués. En attendant la constitution de la Commission, la nomination des Délégués sera notifiée au Gouvernement de l'Empire d'Allemagne, par les soins duquel les démarches nécessaires seront faites pour provoquer la réunion de la Commission.
La Commission élaborera immédiatement des règlements de navigation, de police fluviale, de pilotage et de quarantaine.
Ces règlements, ainsi que les tarifs à établir par la Commission, avant d'être mis en vigueur, seront soumis à l'approbation des Puissances représentées dans la Commission. Les Puissances intéressées devront faire connaître leur avis dans le plus bref délai possible.
Les infractions à ces règlements seront réprimées par les agents de la Commission Internationale, là où elle exercera directement son autorité, et ailleurs par la Puissance riveraine.
Au cas d'un abus de pouvoir ou d'une injustice de la part d'un agent ou d'un employé de la Commission Internationale, l'individu qui se regardera comme lésé dans sa personne ou dans ses droits pourra s'adresser à l'Agent Consulaire de sa nation. Celui-ci devra examiner la plainte; s'il la trouve prima facie raisonnable, il aura le droit de la présenter à la Commission. Sur son initiative, la Commission, représentée par trois au moins de ses Membres, s'adjoindra à lui pour faire une enquête touchant la conduite de son agent ou employé. Si l'Agent Consulaire considère la décision de la Commission comme soulevant des objections de droit, il en fera un rapport à son Gouvernement qui pourra recourir aux Puissances représentées dans la Commission et les inviter à se concerter sur des instructions à donner à la Commission.
Art. 20. -- La Commission Internationale du Congo, chargée aux termes de l'article 17 d'assurer l'exécution du présent Acte de navigation, aura notamment dans ses atttibutions:
1° La désignation des travaux propres à assurer la navigabilité du Congo selon les besoins du commerce international.
Sur les sections du ﬂeuve où aucune Puissance n'exercera des droits de souveraineté, la Commission Internationale prendra elle-même les mesures nécessaires pour assurer la navigabilité du fleuve.
Sur les sections du fleuve occupées par une Puissance souveraine, la Commission Internationale s'entendra avec l'autorité riveraine.
2° La fixation du tarif de pilotage et celle du tarif général des droits de navigation, prévus au 2e et au 3e paragraphes de l'article 14.
Les tarifs mentionnés au premier paragraphe de L'article 14 seront arrêtés par l'autorité territoriale, dans les limites prévues au dit article.
La perception de ces différents droits aura lieu par les soins de l'autorité internationale ou territoriale pour le compte de laquelle ils sont établis;
3° L'administration des revenus provenant de l'application du § 2 ci-dessus;
4° La surveillance de l'établissement quarantenaire établi en vertu de l'article 24;
5° La nomination des agents dépendant du service général de la navigation et celle de ses propres employés.
L'institution des sous-inspecteurs appartiendra à l'autorité territoriale sur les sections occupées par une Puissance, et à la Commission Internationale sur les autres sections du fleuve.
La Puissance riveraine notiﬁera à la Commission Internationale la nomination des sous-inspecteurs qu'elle aura institués et cette Puissance se chargera de leur traitement.
Dans l'exercice de ses attributions, telles qu'elles sont définies et limitées ci-dessus, la Commission Internationale ne dépendra pas de l'autorité territoriale.
Art. 21. -- Dans l'accomplissement de sa tâche, la Commission Internationale pourra recourir, au besoin, aux bâtiments de guerre des Puissances signataires de cet Acte et de celles qui y áccederont à l'avenir, sous toute réserve des instructions qui pourraient être données aux commandants de ces bâtiments par leurs Gouvernements respectifs.
Art. 22. -- Les bâtiments de guerre des Puissances signataires du présent Acte qui pénètrent dans le Congo sont exemps du payement des droits de navigation prévus au § 3 de l'article 14; mais ils acquitteront les droits éventuels de pilotage ainsi que les droits de port, à moins que leur intervention n'ait été réclamée par la Commission Internationale ou ses agents aux termes de l'article précédent.
Art. 23. -- Dans le but de subvenir aux dépenses techniques et administratives qui lui incombent, la Commission Internationale instituée par l'article 17 pourra négocier en son nom propre des emprunts exclusivement gagés sur les revenus attribués à ladite Commission.
Les décisions de la Commission tendant à la conclusion d'un emprunt devront être prises à la majorité de deux tiers des voix. Il est entendu que les Gouvernements représentés à la Commission ne pourront, en aucun cas, être considérés comme assumant aucune garantie, ni contractant aucun engagement ni solidarité à l'égard des dits emprunts, à moins de conventions spéciales conclues par eux à cet effet.
Le produit des droits spécifiés au 3e paragraphe de l'article 14 sera affecté par priorité au service des intérêts et à l'amortissement des dits emprunts, suivant les conventions passées avec les prèteurs.
Art. 24. -- Aux embouchures du Congo, il sera fondé, soit par I'înitiative des Puissances riveraines, soit par l'intervention de la Commission Internationale, un établissement quarantenaire qui exercera le contrôle sur les bâtiments tant à l'entrée qu'a la sortie.
ll sera décidé plus tard, par les Puissances, si et dans quelles conditions un contrôle sanitaire devra être exercé sur les bâtiments dans le cours de la navigation fluviale.
Art. 25. -- Les dispositions du présent Acte de navigation demeureront en vigueur en temps de guerre. En conséquence, la navigation de toutes les nations, neutres ou belligérantes, sera libre, en tout temps, pour les usages du commerce sur le Congo, ses embranchements, ses affluents et ses embouchures, ainsi que sur la mer territoriale faisant face aux embouchures de ce fleuve.
Le trafic demeurera également libre, malgré l'état de guerre, sur les routes, chemins de fer, lacs et canaux mentionnés dans les articles 15 et 16.
Il ne sera apporté d'exception à ce principe qu'en ce qui concerne le transport des objets destinés à un belligérant et considérés, en vertu du droit des gens, comme articles de contrebande de guerre.
Tous les ouvrages et établissements créés en exécution du présent Acte, notamment les bureaux de perception et leurs caisses, de même que le personnel attaché d'une maniere permanente au service de ces etablissements, seront placés sous le régime de la neutralité et, à ce titre, seront respectés et protégés par les bellîgérants.
CHAPITRE V. – ACTE DE NAVIGATION DU NIGER.
Art. 26. -- La navigation du Niger, sans exception d'aucun des embranchements ni issues de ce fleuve, est et demeurera entiérement libre pour les navires marchands, en charge ou sur lest, de toutes le nations, tant pour le transport des marchandises que pour celui des voyageurs. Elle devra se conformer aux dispositions du présent Acte de navigation et aux règlements à établir en exécution du même Acte.
Dans l'exercice de cette navigation, les sujets et les pavillons de toutes les nations seront traités, sous tous les rapports, sur le pied d'une parfaite égalité, tant pour la navigation directe de la pleine mer vers les ports intérieurs du Niger, et vice-versa, que pour le grand et le petit cabotage, ainsi que pour la batellerie sur le parcours de ce fleuve.
En conséquence, sur tout le parcours et aux embouchures du Niger, il ne sera fait aucune distinction entre les sujets des Etats riverains et ceux des non-riverains, et il ne sera concédé aucun privilège exclusif de navigation, soit à des sociétés ou corporations quelconques, soit à des particuliers.
Ces dispositions sont reconnues par les Puissances signataires comme faisant désormais partie du droit public international.
Art. 27. -- La navigation du Niger ne pourra être assujettie à aucune entrave ni redevance basées uniquement sur le fait de la navigation.
Elle ne subira aucune obligation d'échelle, d'étape, de dépot, de rompre charge, ou de relâche forcée.
Dans toute l'étendue du Niger, les navires et les marchandises transitant sur le fleuve ne seront soumis à aucun droit de transit, quelle que soit leur provenance ou leur destination.
Il ne sera établi aucun péage maritime, ni fluvial, basé sur le seul fait de la navigation, ni aucun droit sur les marchandises qui se trouvent à bord des navires. Pourront seuls être perçus des taxes ou droits qui auront le caractère de rétribution pour services rendus à la navigation même. Les tarifs de ces taxes ou droits ne comporteront aucun traitement différentiel.
Art. 28. -- Les affluents du Niger seront à tous égards soumis au même régime que le fleuve dont ils sont tributaires.
Art. 29. -- Les routes, chemins de fer ou canaux latéraux qui pourront étre établis dans le but spécial de suppléer à l'innavigabilité ou aux imperfections de la voie fluviale sur certaines sections du parcours du Niger, de ses affluents, embranchements et issues seront considérés, en leur qualité de moyens de communication, comme des dépendances de ce fleuve et seront également ouverts au trafic de toutes les nations.
De même que sur le fleuve, il ne pourra étre perçu sur ces routes, chemins de fer et canaux, que des péages calculés sur les dépenses de construction, d'entretien et d'administration, et sur les bénéfices dus aux entrepreneurs.
Quant au taux de ces péages, les étrangers et les nationaux des territoires respectifs seront traités sur le pied d'une parfaite égalité.
Art. 30. -- La Grande-Bretagne s'engage à appliquer les principes de la liberté de navigation énoncés dans les articles 26, 27, 28, 29, en tant que les eaux du Niger, de ses affluens, embranchements et issues, sont ou seront sous sa souveraineté ou son protectorat.
Les réglements qu'elle établira pour la sûreté et le contrôle de la navigation seront conçus de manière à faciliter autant que possible la circulation des navires marchands.
ll est entendu que rien dans les engagements ainsi pris ne saurait être interprété comme empêchant ou pouvant empêcher la Grande-Bretagne de faire quelques règlements de navigation que ce soit, qui ne seraient pas contraires à l'esprit de ces engagements.
La Grande-Bretagne s'engage à protéger les négociants étrangers de toutes les nations faisant le commerce dans les parties du cours du Niger qui sont ou seront sous sa souveraineté ou son protectorat, comme s'ils étaient ses propres sujets, pourvu toutefois que ces négociants se conforment aux réglements qui sont ou seront établis en vertu de ce qui précède.
Art. 31. -- La France accepte sous les mêmes réserves et en termes identiques les obligations consacrées dans l'article précédent, en tant que les eaux du Niger, de ses affluents, embranchements et issues sont ou seront sous sa souveraineté ou son protectorat.
Art. 32. -- Chacune des autres Puissances signataires s'engage de même, pour le cas où elle exercerait dans l'avenir des droits de souveraineté ou de protectorat sur quelque partie des eaux du Niger, de ses affluents, embranchements et issues.
Art. 33. -- Les dispositions du présent Acte de navigation demeureront en vigueur en temps de guerre. En conséquence, la navigation de toutes les nations, neutres ou belligérantes, sera libre en tout temps pour les usages du commerce sur le Niger, ses embranchements et affluents, ses embouchures et issues, ainsi que sur la mer territoriale faisant face aux embouchures et issues de ce fleuve.
Le traﬁc demeurera également libre, malgré l'état de guerre, sur les routes, chemins de fer et canaux mentionnés dans l'artice 29.
ll ne sera apporté d'exception à ce principe qu'en ce qui concerne le transport des objets destinés à un belligérant et considérés, en vertu du droit des gens, comme articles de contrebande de guerre.
CHAPITRE VI. – DÉCLARATION RELATIVE AUX CONDITIONS ESSENTIELLES À REMPLIR POUR QUE DES OCCUPATIONS NOUVELLES SUR LES CÔTES DU CONTINENT AFRICAIN SOIENT CONSIDÉRÉES COMME EFFECTIVES.
Art. 34. -- La Puissance qui dorénavant prendra possession d'un territoire sur les côtes du Continent Africain situé en dehors de ses possessions actuelles, ou qui, n'en ayant pas en jusque-là, viendrait à en acquérir, et de même, la Puissance qui y assumera un protectorat, accompagnera l'acte respectif d'une notification adressée aux autres Puissances signataires du présent Acte, afin de les mettre à même de faire valoir, s'il y a lieu, leurs réclamations.
Art. 35. -- Les Puissances signataires du présent Acte reconnaissent l'obligation d'assurer, dans les territoires occupés par elles, sur les côtes du Continent Africain, l'existence d'une autorité suffisante pour faire respecter les droits acquis et, le cas échéant, la liberté du commerce et du transit dans les conditions où elle serait stipulée.
CHAPITRE VII. – DISPOSITIONS GÉNÉRALES.
Art. 36. -- Les Puissances signataires du présent Acte général se réservent d'y introduire ultérieurement et d'un commun accord les modifications ou améliorations dont l'utitité serait démontrée par l'expérience.
Art. 37. -- Les Puissances qui n'auront pas signé le présent Acte général pourront adhérer à ses dispositions par un acte séparé.
L'adhésion de chaque Puissance est notifiée, par la voie diplomatique, au Gouvernement de l'Empire d'Allemagne, et par celuî-ci à tous les États signataires ou adhérents.
Elle emporte de plein droit l'acceptation de toutes les obligations et l'admission à tous les avantages stipulés par le présent Acte général.
Art. 38. -- Le présent Acte général sera ratifié dans un délai qui sera le plus court possible et qui, en aucun cas, ne pourra excéder un an.
Il entrera en vigueur pour chaque Puissance à partir de la date où elle l'aura ratifié.
En attendant, les Puissances signataires du présent Acte général s'obligent à n'adopter aucune mesure qui serait contraire aux dispositions dudit Acte.
Chaque Puissance adressera sa ratification au Gouvernement de l'Empire d'Allemagne, par les soins de qui il ensera donné avis à toutes les autres Puissances signataires du présent Acte général.
Les ratifications de toutes les puissances resteront déposées dans les archives du Gouvernement de l'Empire d'Allemagne. Lorsque toutes les ratiﬁcations auront été produites, il sera dressé acte du dépôt dans un protocole qui sera signé par les Représentants de toutes les Puissances ayant pris part à la Conférence de Berlin et dont une copie certifiée sera adressée à toutes ces Puissances.
En foi de quoi, les Plénipotentiaires respectifs ont signé le présent Acte général et y ont apposé leur cachet.
Fait à Berlin, le vingt-sixième jour du mois de février mil huit cent quatre-vingt-cinq.
(L.S.) Cte AUGte VAN DER STRATEN-PONTHOZ.
(L.S.) Bon LAMBERMONT.
(L.S.) v. BISMARCK.
(L.S.) E. VIND.
(L.S.) Cte DE BENOMAR.
(L.S.) JOHN A. KASSON.
(L.S.) H.-S. SANFORD.
(L.S.) ALPH. DE COURCEL.
(L.S.) EDWARD-B. MALET.
(L.S.) F.-P. VAN DER HOEVEN.
(L.S.) MARQUIS DE PENAFIEL.
(L.S.) A. DE SERPA PIMENTEL.
(L.S.) Cte P. KAPNIST.
(L.S.) GILLIS BILOT.
(Printable version of this text)
GENERAL ACT OF THE CONFERENCE AT BERLIN OF THE PLENIPOTENTIARIES OF GREAT BRITAIN, AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, BELGIUM, DENMARK, FRANCE, GERMANY, ITALY, THE NETHERLANDS, PORTUGAL, RUSSIA, SPAIN, SWEDEN AND NORWAY, TURKEY AND THE UNITED STATES RESPECTING: (1) FREEDOM OF TRADE IN THE BASIN OF THE CONGO; (2) THE SLAVE TRADE; (3) NEUTRALITY OF THE TERRITORIES IN THE BASIN OF THE CONGO; (4) NAVIGATION OF THE CONGO; (5) NAVIGATION OF THE NIGER; AND (6) RULES FOR FUTURE OCCUPATION ON THE COAST OF THE AFRICAN CONTINENT
In the Name of God Almighty.
Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Empress of India; His Majesty the German Emperor, King of Prussia; His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Bohemia, etc, and Apostolic King of Hungary; His Majesty the King of the Belgians; His Majesty the King of Denmark; His Majesty the King of Spain; the President of the United States of America; the President of the French Republic; His Majesty the King of Italy; His Majesty the King of the Netherlands, Grand Duke of Luxemburg, etc; His Majesty the King of Portugal and the Algarves, etc; His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias; His Majesty the King of Sweden and Norway, etc; and His Majesty the Emperor of the Ottomans,
WISHING, in a spirit of good and mutual accord, to regulate the conditions most favourable to the development of trade and civilization in certain regions of Africa, and to assure to all nations the advantages of free navigation on the two chief rivers of Africa flowing into the Atlantic Ocean;
BEING DESIROUS, on the other hand, to obviate the misunderstanding and disputes which might in future arise from new acts of occupation (prises de possession) on the coast of Africa; and concerned, at the same time, as to the means of furthering the moral and material well-being of the native populations;
HAVE RESOLVED, on the invitation addressed to them by the Imperial Government of Germany, in agreement with the Government of the French Republic, to meet for those purposes in Conference at Berlin, and have appointed as their Plenipotentiaries, to wit:
[Names of plenipotentiaries included here.]
Who, being provided with full powers, which have been found in good and due form, have successively discussed and adopted:
1. A Declaration relative to freedom of trade in the basin of the Congo, its embouchures and circumjacent regions, with other provisions connected therewith.
2. A Declaration relative to the slave trade, and the operations by sea or land which furnish slaves to that trade.
3. A Declaration relative to the neutrality of the territories comprised in the Conventional basin of the Congo.
4. An Act of Navigation for the Congo, which, while having regard to local circumstances, extends to this river, its affluents, and the waters in its system (eaux qui leur sont assimilées), the general principles enunciated in Articles 58 and 66 of the Final Act of the Congress of Vienna, and intended to regulate, as between the Signatory Powers of that Act, the free navigation of the waterways separating or traversing several States - these said principles having since then been applied by agreement to certain rivers of Europe and America, but especially to the Danube, with the modifications stipulated by the Treaties of Paris (1856), of Berlin (1878), and of London (1871 and 1883).
5. An Act of Navigation for the Niger, which, while likewise having regard to local circumstances, extends to this river and its affluents the same principles as set forth in Articles 58 and 66 of the Final Act of the Congress of Vienna.
6. A Declaration introducing into international relations certain uniform rules with reference to future occupations on the coast of the African Continent.
And deeming it expedient that all these several documents should be combined in one single instrument, they (the Signatory Powers) have collected them into one General Act, composed of the following Articles:
DECLARATION RELATIVE TO FREEDOM OF TRADE IN THE BASIN OF THE CONGO, ITS MOUTHS AND CIRCUMJACENT REGIONS, WITH OTHER PROVISIONS CONNECTED THEREWITH
The trade of all nations shall enjoy complete freedom-
1. In all the regions forming the basin of the Congo and its outlets. This basin is bounded by the watersheds (or mountain ridges) of the adjacent basins, namely, in particular, those of the Niari, the Ogowé, the Schari, and the Nile, on the north; by the eastern watershed line of the affluents of Lake Tanganyika on the east; and by the watersheds of the basins of the Zambesi and the Logé on the south. It therefore comprises all the regions watered by the Congo and its affluents, including Lake Tanganyika, with its eastern tributaries.
2. In the maritime zone extending along the Atlantic Ocean from the parallel situated in 2º30' of south latitude to the mouth of the Logé.
The northern boundary will follow the parallel situated in 2º30' from the coast to the point where it meets the geographical basin of the Congo, avoiding the basin of the Ogowé, to which the provisions of the present Act do not apply.
The southern boundary will follow the course of the Logé to its source, and thence pass eastwards till it joins the geographical basin of the Congo.
3. In the zone stretching eastwards from the Congo Basin, as above defined, to the Indian Ocean from 5 degrees of north latitude to the mouth of the Zambesi in the south, from which point the line of demarcation will ascend the Zambesi to 5 miles above its confluence with the Shiré, and then follow the watershed between the affluents of Lake Nyassa and those of the Zambesi, till at last it reaches the watershed between the waters of the Zambesi and the Congo.
It is expressly recognized that in extending the principle of free trade to this eastern zone the Conference Powers only undertake engagements for themselves, and that in the territories belonging to an independent Sovereign State this principle shall only be applicable in so far as it is approved by such State. But the Powers agree to use their good offices with the Governments established on the African shore of the Indian Ocean for the purpose of obtaining such approval, and in any case of securing the most favourable conditions to the transit (traffic) of all nations.
All flags, without distinction of nationality, shall have free access to the whole of the coastline of the territories above enumerated, to the rivers there running into the sea, to all the waters of the Congo and its affluents, including the lakes, and to all the ports situate on the banks of these waters, as well as to all canals which may in future be constructed with intent to unite the watercourses or lakes within the entire area of the territories described in Article 1. Those trading under such flags may engage in all sorts of transport, and carry on the coasting trade by sea and river, as well as boat traffic, on the same footing as if they were subjects.
Wares, of whatever origin, imported into these regions, under whatsoever flag, by sea or river, or overland, shall be subject to no other taxes than such as may be levied as fair compensation for expenditure in the interests of trade, and which for this reason must be equally borne by the subjects themselves and by foreigners of all nationalities. All differential dues on vessels, as well as on merchandise, are forbidden.
Merchandise imported into these regions shall remain free from import and transit dues.
The Powers reserve to themselves to determine after the lapse of twenty years whether this freedom of import shall be retained or not.
No Power which exercises or shall exercise sovereign rights in the abovementioned regions shall be allowed to grant therein a monopoly or favour of any kind in matters of trade.
Foreigners, without distinction, shall enjoy protection of their persons and property, as well as the right of acquiring and transferring movable and immovable possessions; and national rights and treatment in the exercise of their professions.
PROVISIONS RELATIVE TO PROTECTION OF THE NATIVES, OF MISSIONARIES AND TRAVELLERS, AS WELL AS RELATIVE TO RELIGIOUS LIBERTY
All the Powers exercising sovereign rights or influence in the aforesaid territories bind themselves to watch over the preservation of the native tribes, and to care for the improvement of the conditions of their moral and material well-being, and to help in suppressing slavery, and especially the slave trade. They shall, without distinction of creed or nation, protect and favour all religious, scientific or charitable institutions and undertakings created and organized for the above ends, or which aim at instructing the natives and bringing home to them the blessings of civilization.
Christian missionaries, scientists and explorers, with their followers, property and collections, shall likewise be the objects of especial protection.
Freedom of conscience and religious toleration are expressly guaranteed to the natives, no less than to subjects and to foreigners. The free and public exercise of all forms of divine worship, and the right to build edifices for religious purposes, and to organize religious missions belonging to all creeds, shall not be limited or fettered in any way whatsoever.
The Convention of the Universal Postal Union, as revised at Paris 1 June 1878, shall be applied to the Conventional basin of the Congo.
The Powers who therein do or shall exercise rights of sovereignty or Protectorate engage, as soon as circumstances permit them, to take the measures necessary for the carrying out of the preceding provision.
RIGHT OF SURVEILLANCE VESTED IN THE INTERNATIONAL NAVIGATION COMMISSION OF THE CONGO
In all parts of the territory had in view by the present Declaration, where no Power shall exercise rights of sovereignty or Protectorate, the International Navigation Commission of the Congo, instituted in virtue of Article 17, shall be charged with supervising the application of the principles proclaimed and perpetuated (consacrés) by this Declaration.
In all cases of difference arising relative to the application of the principles established by the present Declaration, the Governments concerned may agree to appeal to the good offices of the International Commission, by submitting to it an examination of the facts which shall have occasioned these differences.
DECLARATION RELATIVE TO THE SLAVE TRADE
Seeing that trading in slaves is forbidden in conformity with the principles of international law as recognized by the Signatory Powers, and seeing also that the operations, which, by sea or land, furnish slaves to trade, ought likewise to be regarded as forbidden, the Powers which do or shall exercise sovereign rights or influence in the territories forming the Conventional basin of the Congo declare that these territories may not serve as a market or means of transit for the trade in slaves, of whatever race they may be. Each of the Powers binds itself to employ all the means at its disposal for putting an end to this trade and for punishing those who engage in it.
DECLARATION RELATIVE TO THE NEUTRALITY OF THE TERRITORIES COMPRISED IN THE CONVENTIONAL BASIN OF THE CONGO
In order to give a new guarantee of security to trade and industry, and to encourage, by the maintenance of peace, the development of civilization in the countries mentioned in Article 1, and placed under the free trade system, the High Signatory Parties to the present Act, and those who shall hereafter adopt it, bind themselves to respect the neutrality of the territories, or portions of territories, belonging to the said countries, comprising therein the territorial waters, so long as the Powers which exercise or shall exercise the rights of sovereignty or Protectorate over those territories, using their option of proclaiming themselves neutral, shall fulfil the duties which neutrality requires.
In case a Power exercising rights of sovereignty or Protectorate in the countries mentioned in Article 1, and placed under the free trade system, shall be involved in a war, then the High Signatory Parties to the present Act, and those who shall hereafter adopt it, bind themselves to lend their good offices in order that the territories belonging to this Power and comprised in the Conventional free trade zone shall, by the common consent of this Power and of the other belligerent or belligerents, be placed during the war under the rule of neutrality, and considered as belonging to a non-belligerent State, the belligerents thenceforth abstaining from extending hostilities to the territories thus neutralized, and from using them as a base for warlike operations.
In case a serious disagreement originating on the subject of, or in the limits of, the territories mentioned in Article 1, and placed under the free trade system, shall arise between any Signatory Powers of the present Act, or the Powers which may become parties to it, these Powers bind themselves, before appealing to arms, to have recourse to the mediation of one or more of the friendly Powers.
In a similar case the same Powers reserve to themselves the option of having recourse to arbitration.
ACT OF NAVIGATION FOR THE CONGO
The navigation of the Congo, without excepting any of its branches or outlets, is, and shall remain, free for the merchant ships of all nations equally, whether carrying cargo or ballast, for the transport of goods or passengers. It shall be regulated by the provisions of this Act of Navigation, and by the rules to be made in pursuance thereof.
In the exercise of this navigation the subjects and flags of all nations shall in all respects be treated on a footing of perfect equality, not only for the direct navigation from the open sea to the inland ports of the Congo, and vice versa, but also for the great and small coasting trade, and for boat traffic on the course of the river.
Consequently, on all the course and mouths of the Congo there will be no distinction made between the subjects of riverain States and those of non-riverain States, and no exclusive privilege of navigation will be conceded to companies, corporations or private persons whatsoever.
These provisions are recognized by the Signatory Powers as becoming henceforth a part of international law.
The navigation of the Congo shall not be subject to any restriction or obligation which is not expressly stipulated by the present Act. It shall not be exposed to any landing dues, to any station or depot tax, or to any charge for breaking bulk, or for compulsory entry into port.
In all the extent of the Congo the ships and goods in process of transit on the river shall be submitted to no transit dues, whatever their starting place or destination.
There shall be levied no maritime or river toll based on the mere fact of navigation, nor any tax on goods aboard of ships. There shall only be levied taxes or duties having the character of an equivalent for services rendered to navigation itself, to wit:
1. Harbour dues on certain local establishments, such as wharves, warehouses, etc, if actually used.
The tariff of such dues shall be framed according to the cost of constructing and maintaining the said local establishments; and it will be applied without regard to whence vessels come or what they are loaded with.
2. Pilot dues for those stretches of the river where it may be necessary to establish properly qualified pilots.
The tariff of these dues shall be fixed and calculated in proportion to the service rendered.
3. Charges raised to cover technical and administrative expenses incurred in the general interest of navigation, including lighthouse, beacon and buoy duties.
The lastmentioned dues shall be based on the tonnage of vessels as shown by the ship's papers, and in accordance with the rules adopted on the Lower Danube.
The tariffs by which the various dues and taxes enumerated in the three preceding paragraphs shall be levied shall not involve any differential treatment, and shall be officially published at each port.
The Powers reserve to themselves to consider, after the lapse of five years, whether it may be necessary to revise, by common accord, the abovementioned tariffs.
The affluents of the Congo shall in all respects be subject to the same rules as the river of which they are tributaries.
And the same rules shall apply to the streams and river as well as the lakes and canals in the territories defined in paragraphs 2 and 3 of Article 1.
At the same time the powers of the International Commission of the Congo will not extend to the said rivers, streams, lakes and canals, unless with the assent of the States under whose sovereignty they are placed. It is well understood, also, that with regard to the territories mentioned in paragraph 3 of Article 1 the consent of the Sovereign States owning these territories is reserved.
The roads, railways or lateral canals which may be constructed with the special object of obviating the innavigability or correcting the imperfection of the river route on certain sections of the course of the Congo, its affluents, and other waterways placed under a similar system, as laid down in Article 15, shall be considered in their quality of means of communication as dependencies of this river, and as equally open to the traffic of all nations.
And, as on the river itself, so there shall be collected on these roads, railways and canals only tolls calculated on the cost of construction, maintenance and management, and on the profits due to the promoters.
As regards the tariff of these tolls, strangers and the natives of the respective territories shall be treated on a footing of perfect equality.
There is instituted an International Commission, charged with the execution of the provisions of the present Act of Navigation.
The Signatory Powers of this Act, as well as those who may subsequently adhere to it, may always be represented on the said Commission, each by one delegate. But no delegate shall have more than one vote at his disposal, even in the case of his representing several Governments.
This delegate will be directly paid by his Government. As for the various agents and employees of the International Commission, their remuneration shall be charged to the amount of the dues collected in conformity with paragraphs 2 and 3 of Article 14.
The particulars of the said remuneration, as well as the number, grade and powers of the agents and employees, shall be entered in the returns to be sent yearly to the Governments represented on the International Commission.
The members of the International Commission, as well as its appointed agents, are invested with the privilege of inviolability in the exercise of their functions. The same guarantee shall apply to the offices and archives of the Commission.
The International Commission for the Navigation of the Congo shall be constituted as soon as five of the Signatory Powers of the present General Act shall have appointed their delegates. And, pending the constitution of the Commission, the nomination of these delegates shall be notified to the Imperial Government of Germany, which will see to it that the necessary steps are taken to summon the meeting of the Commission.
The Commission will at once draw up navigation, river police, pilot and quarantine rules.
These rules, as well as the tariffs to be framed by the Commission, shall, before coming into force, be submitted for approval to the Powers represented on the Commission. The Powers interested will have to communicate their views with as little delay as possible.
Any infringement of these rules will be checked by the agents of the International Commission wherever it exercises direct authority, and elsewhere by the riverain Power.
In the case of an abuse of power, or of an act of injustice, on the part of any agent or employee of the International Commission, the individual who considers himself to be aggrieved in his person or rights may apply to the consular agent of his country. The latter will examine his complaint, and if he finds it prima facie reasonable he will then be entitled to bring it before the Commission. At his instance then, the Commission, represented by at least three of its members, shall, in conjunction with him, inquire into the conduct of its agent or employee. Should the consular agent look upon the decision of the Commission as raising questions of law (objections de droit), he will report on the subject to his Government, which may then have recourse to the Powers represented on the Commission, and invite them to agree as to the instructions to be given to the Commission.
The International Commission of the Congo, charged in terms of Article 17 with the execution of the present Act of Navigation, shall in particular have power-
1. To decide what works are necessary to assure the navigability of the Congo in accordance with the needs of international trade.
On those sections of the river where no Power exercises sovereign rights the International Commission will itself take the necessary measures for assuring the navigability of the river.
On those sections of the river held by a Sovereign Power the International Commission will concert its action (s'entendra) with the riparian authorities.
2. To fix the pilot tariff and that of the general navigation dues as provided for by paragraphs 2 and 3 of Article 14.
The tariffs mentioned in the first paragraph of Article 14 shall be framed by the territorial authorities within the limits prescribed in the said Article.
The levying of the various dues shall be seen to by the international or territorial authorities on whose behalf they are established.
3. To administer the revenue arising from the application of the preceding paragraph (2).
4. To superintend the quarantine establishment created in virtue of Article 24.
5. To appoint officials for the general service of navigation, and also its own proper employees.
It will be for the territorial authorities to appoint sub-inspectors on sections of the river occupied by a Power, and for the International Commission to do so on the other sections.
The riverain Power will notify to the International Commission the appointment of sub-inspectors, and this Power will undertake the payment of their salaries.
In the exercise of its functions, as above defined and limited, the International Commission will be independent of the territorial authorities.
In the accomplishment of its task the International Commission may, if need be, have recourse to the war vessels of the Signatory Powers of this Act, and of those who may in future accede to it, under reserve, however, of the instructions which may be given to the commanders of these vessels by their respective Governments.
The war vessels of the Signatory Powers of this Act that may enter the Congo are exempt from payment of the navigation dues provided for in paragraph 3 of Article 14; but, unless their intervention has been called for by the International Commission or its agents, in terms of the preceding Article, they shall be liable to the payment of the pilot or harbour dues which may eventually be established.
With the view of providing for the technical and administrative expenses which it may incur, the International Commission created by Article 17 may, in its own name, negotiate loans to be exclusively guaranteed by the revenues raised by the said Commission.
The decisions of the Commission dealing with the conclusion of a loan must be come to by a majority of two-thirds. It is understood that the Governments represented on the Commission shall not in any case be held as assuming any guarantee, or as contracting any engagement or joint liability (solidarité) with respect to the said loans, unless under special Conventions concluded by them to this effect.
The revenue yielded by the dues specified in paragraph 3 of Article 14 shall bear, as a first charge, the payment of the interest and sinking fund of the said loans, according to agreement with the lenders.
At the mouth of the Congo there shall be founded, either on the initiative of the riverain Powers, or by the intervention of the International Commission, a quarantine establishment for the control of vessels passing out of as well as into the river.
Later on the Powers will decide whether and on what conditions a sanitary control shall be exercised over vessels engaged in the navigation of the river itself.
The provisions of the present Act of Navigation shall remain in force in time of war. Consequently all nations, whether neutral or belligerent, shall be always free, for the purposes of trade, to navigate the Congo, its branches, affluents and mouths, as well as the territorial waters fronting the embouchure of the river.
Traffic will similarly remain free, despite a state of war, on the roads, railways, lakes and canals mentioned in Articles 15 and 16.
There will be no exception to this principle, except in so far as concerns the transport of articles intended for a belligerent, and in virtue of the law of nations regarded as contraband of war.
All the works and establishments created in pursuance of the present Act, especially the tax collecting offices and their treasuries, as well as the permanent service staff of these establishments, shall enjoy the benefits of neutrality (placés sous le régime de la neutralité), and shall, therefore, be respected and protected by belligerents.
ACT OF NAVIGATION FOR THE NIGER
The navigation of the Niger, without excepting any of its branches and outlets, is and shall remain entirely free for the merchant ships of all nations equally, whether with cargo or ballast, for the transportation of goods and passengers. It shall be regulated by the provisions of this Act of Navigation, and by the rules to be made in pursuance of this Act.
In the exercise of this navigation the subjects and flags of all nations shall be treated, in all circumstances, on a footing of perfect equality, not only for the direct navigation from the open sea to the inland ports of the Niger, and vice versa, but for the great and small coasting trade, and for boat trade on the course of the river.
Consequently, on all the course and mouths of the Niger there will be no distinction made between the subjects of the riverain States and those of non-riverain States; and no exclusive privilege of navigation will be conceded to companies, corporations or private persons.
These provisions are recognized by the Signatory Powers as forming henceforth a part of international law.
The navigation of the Niger shall not be subject to any restriction or obligation based merely on the fact of navigation.
It shall not be exposed to any obligation in regard to landing-station or depot, or for breaking bulk, or for compulsory entry into port.
In all the extent of the Niger the ships and goods in process of transit on the river shall be submitted to no transit dues, whatever their starting place or destination.
No maritime or river toll shall be levied based on the sole fact of navigation, nor any tax on goods on board of ships. There shall only be collected taxes or duties which shall be an equivalent for services rendered to navigation itself. The tariff of these taxes or duties shall not warrant any differential treatment.
The affluents of the Niger shall be in all respects subject to the same rules as the river of which they are tributaries.
The roads, railways or lateral canals which may be constructed with the special object of obviating the innavigability or correcting the imperfections of the river route on certain sections of the course of the Niger, its affluents, branches and outlets, shall be considered, in their quality of means of communication, as dependencies of this river, and as equally open to the traffic of all nations.
And, as on the river itself, so there shall be collected on these roads, railways and canals only tolls calculated on the cost of construction, maintenance and management, and on the profits due to the promoters.
As regards the tariff of these tolls, strangers and the natives of the respective territories shall be treated on a footing of perfect equality.
Great Britain undertakes to apply the principles of freedom of navigation enunciated in Articles 26, 27, 28 and 29 on so much of the waters of the Niger, its affluents, branches and outlets, as are or may be under her sovereignty or protection.
The rules which she may establish for the safety and control of navigation shall be drawn up in a way to facilitate, as far as possible, the circulation of merchant ships.
It is understood that nothing in these obligations shall be interpreted as hindering Great Britain from making any rules of navigation whatever which shall not be contrary to the spirit of these engagements.
Great Britain undertakes to protect foreign merchants and all the trading nationalities on all those portions of the Niger which are or may be under her sovereignty or protection as if they were her own subjects, provided always that such merchants conform to the rules which are or shall be made in virtue of the foregoing.
France accepts, under the same reservations, and in identical terms, the obligations undertaken in the preceding Articles in respect of so much of the waters of the Niger, its affluents, branches and outlets, as are or may be under her sovereignty or protection.
Each of the other Signatory Powers binds itself in the same way in case it should ever exercise in the future rights of sovereignty or protection over any portion of the waters of the Niger, its affluents, branches or outlets.
The arrangements of the present Act of Navigation will remain in force in time of war. Consequently, the navigation of all neutral or belligerent nationals will be in all time free for the usages of commerce on the Niger, its branches, its affluents, its mouths and outlets, as well as on the territorial waters opposite the mouths and outlets of that river.
The traffic will remain equally free in spite of a state of war on the roads, railways and canals mentioned in Article 29.
There will be an exception to this principle only in that which relates to the transport of articles destined for a belligerent, and considered, in virtue of the law of nations, as articles contraband of war.
DECLARATION RELATIVE TO THE ESSENTIAL CONDITIONS TO BE OBSERVED IN ORDER THAT NEW OCCUPATIONS ON THE COASTS OF THE AFRICAN CONTINENT MAY BE HELD TO BE EFFECTIVE
Any Power which henceforth takes possession of a tract of land on the coasts of the African continent outside of its present possessions, or which, being hitherto without such possessions, shall acquire them, as well as the Power which assumes a Protectorate there, shall accompany the respective act with a notification thereof, addressed to the other Signatory Powers of the present Act, in order to enable them, if need be, to make good any claims of their own.
The Signatory Powers of the present Act recognize the obligation to insure the establishment of authority in the regions occupied by them on the coasts of the African continent sufficient to protect existing rights, and, as the case may be, freedom of trade and of transit under the conditions agreed upon.
The Signatory Powers of the present General Act reserve to themselves to introduce into it subsequently, and by common accord, such modifications and improvements as experience may show to be expedient.
The Powers who have not signed the present General Act shall be free to adhere to its provisions by a separate instrument.
The adhesion of each Power shall be notified in diplomatic form to the Government of the German Empire, and by it in turn to all the other signatory or adhering Powers.
Such adhesion shall carry with it full acceptance of all the obligations as well as admission to all the advantages stipulated by the present General Act.
The present General Act shall be ratified with as little delay as possible, the same in no case to exceed a year.
It will come into force for each Power from the date of its ratification by that Power.
Meanwhile, the Signatory Powers of the present General Act bind themselves not to take any steps contrary to its provisions.
Each Power will address its ratification to the Government of the German Empire, by which notice of the fact will be given to all the other Signatory Powers of the present Act.
The ratifications of all the Powers will be deposited in the archives of the Government of the German Empire. When all the ratifications shall have been sent in, there will be drawn up a Deposit Act, in the shape of a Protocol, to be signed by the representatives of all the Powers which have taken part in the Conference of Berlin, and of which a certified copy will be sent to each of those Powers.
IN TESTIMONY WHEREOF the several plenipotentiaries have signed the present General Act and have affixed thereto their seals.
DONE at Berlin, the 26th day of February, 1885.
[Signatures included here.]
"In 1884 verscheen "Le Mouvement Géographique" onder leiding van journalist Wauters. Dit tijdschift handelde over de gehele wereld en genoot veel aanzien. Het ruimde een vooraanstaande plaats in voor Congo en wekte aldus de belangstelling voor dit land."
INFORCONGO 1960: 513
MOUVEMENT GEOGRAPHIQUE (Le) - A.J.Wauters (editor) — Le MOUVEMENT GEOGRAPHIQUE : Journal populaire des Sciences Géographiques, Organe des Intérêts Belges dans les Pays d'Outremer, réd. en chef: A.J.Wauters Bruxelles, in-folio, bimonthly, from 1896 onwards weekly. 41 x 30 cm. Important periodical for the development of the relations between Africa and Europe and especially for central Africa (Congo, Zaire). Attention is also given to the constuction of railroads in Africa and also in America and Asia (China). AVAILABLE: 1884 - 1904 (21 years) bound in 9 vols, with loosely inserted 114 of the 115 h.t. maps, most of them color lithographs, and numerous maps and illustrations in the text. It is very rare to have such a large run with practically all the hors-text maps which were issued as supplements. The periodical was continued up till 1922 (later years not present here).
price: €2110.00 (booknr 2831)
Bron: http://www.degoeijbooks.be/ (20040323)
De exacte datum van het eerste nummer vonden we in 19440035: 27
De Onbevlekte Ontvangenis, geschilderd in 1630-35 door Francisco de Zurbarán (Museo del Prado, Madrid)De Onbevlekte Ontvangenis van Maria is een dogma van de Rooms-katholieke Kerk dat op 8 december met een hoogfeest gevierd wordt. Het dogma bevestigt de bijzondere status van Maria door te stellen dat zij ter wereld kwam zonder door de erfzonde te zijn belast. Zij ontving, met andere woorden, een onbevlekte ziel. Op haar ziel werd door God reeds tevoren de zuiverende werking van de toekomstige Verlossing door haar Zoon Jezus Christus toegepast.
Het dogma werd op 8 december 1854 afgekondigd door Paus Pius IX en zette onder Rooms Katholieken een nieuwe golf van Mariaverering in gang.
Omdat het dogma niet expliciet vermeld wordt in de bijbel, wordt het door de protestantse kerken afgewezen. Katholieken wijzen daarop dat er in de Bijbel een passage staat, waarin God zegt dat "niets dat onrein is de Tempel zal binnen gaan". Het menselijk lichaam wordt in de Bijbel vaak genoemd als tempel van de Heilige Geest. Volgens deze zienswijze kan ook de Heilige Geest nergens komen of binnentreden waar onzuiverheid heerst. Aangezien Jezus Christus, aldus de R.K. Kerk, waarlijk God en waarlijk mens was, kon ook Hij pas incarneren als de plek van incarnatie ook zuiver was.
Het dogma van de Onbevlekte Ontvangenis wordt vaak verward met een ander dogma: dat van Maria Boodschap.
In veel landen, waaronder Italië, Spanje, Portugal, Oostenrijk en Zwitserland is het Feest van de Onbevlekte Ontvangenis van Maria een vrije dag. In het Franse Lyon wordt het hoogfeest van de Onbevlekte Ontvangenis van Maria sinds 1852 jaarlijks gevierd door de huizen en de stad te verlichten ter ere van Maria (Les Illuminations of Fête des Lumières).
In het volksgeloof wordt vaak aangenomen dat Jezus zonder sex werd verwekt, dus zonder penetratie. De moeder kon dus maagd zijn.
a) What were enclosures?
i) Enclosure meant joining the strips of the open fields to make larger compact units of land. These units were then fenced or hedged off from the next person's land. In this way a farmer had land in one farm, rather than in scattered strips. This brought greater independence. Enclosing land was not new; it dated back to at least the Medieval period.
ii) The areas of England affected by the enclosure movement of this period were mainly the counties of the Midlands, East Anglia and Central Southern England.
b) How was land enclosed?
i) Before about 1740, most villages were enclosed by agreement. This was when the main owners of the land made a private agreement to join their strips together. This may have involved buying some strips from the small farmers to get rid of any possible opposition. Where all the land in a village was owned by one or two people, enclosure by agreement was relatively straightforward. Unfortunately, it is impossible to tell how much land was enclosed in this way, as little documentation was kept.
ii) Where a number of smaller landowners provided determined opposition to enclosure by agreement, an Act of Parliament had to be obtained. This became the accepted procedure after 1750. It had a number of factors in its favour:
- Each enclosure had legal documentation and certification
- It provided the machinery for opposition to be heard
- It allowed the whole of the village to be enclosed at the same time (that is, commons, waste
land, meadows and open fields.) Up to 1750, many villages had been enclosed a little at a time.
iii) Between 1750 and 1850 there were approximately 4,000 Enclosure Acts of Parliament.
c) Why was Parliamentary Enclosure so widespread in the periods 1760-1780 and 1793 to 1815?
i) Between 1760 and 1780, some 900 Enclosure acts were passed. Historians agree that high cereal prices motivated farmers to enclose land in order to produce a greater amount, thereby earning bigger profits. Also, where land was enclosed, landlords could charge tenants higher rents.
ii) The years of the French Wars (1793-1815) saw almost 2,000 Enclosure Acts being passed. This can also be explained by high cereal prices, which were the results of a series of poor harvests and the difficulty of importing foreign corn at a time when Europe was involved in a major war. This led to widespread enclosure with even marginal waste land being enclosed. With enclosures the farmers could grow more food to feed the domestic population and make larger profits.
d) How was an Act of Enclosure obtained?
The process of obtaining an Act of Enclosure was a time consuming activity:
- The starting point was when the owners of between 3/4 and 4/5 of the land in the village decided that they wished to enclose. They then produced a petition giving notice of their intention to the rest of the village.
- From 1774 onwards, this petition had to be fixed to the church door for three consecutive Sundays in late August or early September. Some landowners took the trouble to publish the petition in the local newspaper.
- Following this, a Bill of Enclosure for the village was drafted and it was read twice in the House of Commons.
- A Parliamentary committee then studied the Bill, considered any objections and wrote in any alterations.
- The Bill was then given a third reading in the House of Commons and then passed on to the House of Lords.
- Finally, the Bill was given a Royal Assent and became an Act of Parliament.
Most bills went through the procedure without too much hindrance.
e) What were the General Enclosure Acts?
These Acts were an attempt to simplify the administration of enclosures. In 1801 the first General Enclosure Act was passed. This laid down a model procedure for the enclosure of common lands in particular. The aim was to provide a guide to those who had the job of drafting Enclosure Bills.
In 1836, a second General Enclosure Act was passed. This was concerned with the open fields and it gave local farmers the right to appoint commissioners and to enclose land without direct reference to Parliament. In 1845, a third (and final) Enclosure Act was brought on to the Statute Book. This established a group of 'specialist' commissioners who would travel round to the different villages to supervise the enclosing of land. They then reported back to Parliament and one General Act of Enclosure was passed for all the villages inspected during the course of the year.
f) What was the job of the Parliamentary commissioners and how well did they do their work?
i) Each individual Act of Enclosure stated that a number of commissioners ( Between three and twelve, depending on the amount of land involved) should be appointed to carry out the enclosure.
ii) After this, surveyors and clerks were appointed by the commissioners. The surveyors had to draw up a plan of the village with its open fields and strips. The owners of the strips were recorded on a map. At a series of meetings called by the commissioners, landowners had to make a claim as to how much land they should be awarded under the enclosure. The commissioners then had to decide on the validity of each claim and come to a decision as to who was actually entitled to receive land in the award.
iii) When, finally, the land had been allocated, the surveyors drew up a new map of the village displaying the new enclosures, boundaries between each section of land and the location of new paths and roads. With the new enclosure map went the award, a list of all the landowners allocated land in the enclosed village.
iv) Commissioners, in general, have been accused of malpractice or of favouring the large landowners and aristocracy when allocating land. Historians now think that in most cases, commissioners did their difficult task admirably well and they did consider the claims of the smaller farmer.
g) How much did it cost to enclose a village by Act of Parliament?
The cost of enclosure varied from parish to parish. The amount depended upon the size of the parish and whether it was the whole parish being enclosed or merely the common and waste land. Every farmer who received an allocation of land in the award was obliged to pay a share of the cost. Such costs would have put a heavy burden on some of the smaller landowners who did not possess large amounts of capital.
h) Economic effects of enclosure
i) Social results of enclosure
j) How far was it true that enclosures led to 'rural depopulation'?
It has been claimed that enclosure caused widespread movement of landless labourers from the countryside to the growing industrial towns. There is, however, evidence to contradict this:
- Enclosure usually required more labour, not less. It is likely that the 'landless labourers' would have been employed to build fences, dig ditches, construct roads and new farmhouses.
- Enclosure brought more land under cultivation which needed labour to work it. In arable areas, particularly, men were needed to plough, sow, hoe and harvest the crops. The increased output would have stimulated a number of 'associated' industries such as brewing and milling.
- More stockmen, dairymen and shepherds were needed.
It must be considered doubtful that enclosures caused rural depopulation. Statistics suggest that it was not until the late 19th century that that any widespread exodus from the countryside took place.
k) There was poverty and suffering in the countryside in the period 1790 to 1830. If enclosure on its own did not cause this hardship, what did?
i) In the south and east of England the decline of domestic industries was one factor in bringing about increased poverty. Previously, villagers had supplemented their income by, for example, weaving.
ii) The poor harvests and high prices in the 1790s, although bringing profit to the farmers, brought suffering to the labourers.
iii) Labourers in the areas where enclosure had taken place in the 16th century may well have suffered as they could not find employment in putting up fences etc. iv) It is worth noting that poverty was rife in both open and enclosed villages. Rural poverty was a phenomenon well before enclosures.
©1995-7 Stephane Gray
October 1784: The Boston merchant ship Betsy is captured off the coast of Africa and its crew are sold into slavery in Morocco
1786: United States signs a peace treaty with Morocco
1794: Congress raises one million dollars to purchase peace with the Barbary States and begins to construct a small naval force
1795: United States signs a treaty with Algiers
1796: United States signs a treaty with Tripoli
1797: United States signs a treaty with Tunis
July 1797: William Eaton is appointed American consul to Tunis
December 1799: United States agrees to pay Tripoli $18,000 per year to secure safety for American trade ships in the Mediterranean; similar agreements with the other Barbary powers are also settled
February 17, 1801: Thomas Jefferson becomes President of the United States
March 1801: Tripoli declares war on the United States and seizes numerous American merchant ships
May 15, 1801: Jefferson sends a naval squadron, commanded by Captain Richard Dale to Tripoli to blockade the port; the blockade lasts from July 24-September 3
August 1, 1801: Andrew Sterett and the USS Enterprise capture Admiral Rais Mahomet Rous’ ship Tripoli after a bloody battle; the event is considered the first U.S. naval victory of the Barbary Wars
February 6, 1802: Congress passes the Act for Protection of Commerce and Seamen of the United States Against the Tripolitian Corsairs, essentially a declaration of war
June 17, 1802: The Emperor of Morocco declares war against the United States but negotiates a peace settlement in August
January 17, 1803: Commodore Edward Preble leads an American squadron to the Mediterranean; subordinate officers include Stephen Decatur, John Rodgers, Isaac Chauncey, Oliver Hazard Perry, and David Porter
March 4, 1803: Commodore Charles Morris and Captain John Rogers are arrested by the Bey of Tunis and are forced to pay Eaton’s debts
May 12, 1803: Captain Rodgers and the John Adams capture the Tripolitan frigate Meshouda
June 10, 1803: Tobias Lear is appointed consul general to the Barbary States
October 31, 1803: William Bainbridge and his warship the Philadelphia surrender to Tripoli after running aground in Tripoli harbor
February 16, 1804: Stephen Decatur on the Intrepid set the captured Philadelphia on fire as it is anchored in Tripoli harbor
August 3, 1804: Commodore Preble launches an attack on Tripoli that lasts until September 11
April 27, 1805: After a two month march across the Libyan desert, William Eaton, former Tripoli Pasha Hamet Karamanli, and a group of mercenaries attack Derna by land, meanwhile three US warships under Captain Isaac Hull strike Derna by sea; together they take the fort
May 15, 1805: Rodgers takes over command of the American fleet from Samuel Barron
June 4, 1805: The Pasha agrees to a treaty with Lear and takes over Derna; America no longer needs to pay yearly tributes to Tripoli
June 10, 1805: Treaty of Tripoli is officially signed
November 1805: Tobias Lear is stationed at Algiers as U.S. consul
1807: The Mediterranean Squadron is withdrawn and Barbary powers resume capturing American trading ships
March 5, 1809: James Madison becomes president
July 25, 1812: The Dey of Algiers refuses the annual American tribute and expels Tobias Lear and his colleagues from Algiers
July 25, 1812: Algerian corsairs capture the brig Edwin
Fall 1812: At the outset of the War of 1812, the British blockade the Atlantic seaboard of the United States, thus halting much Mediterranean commerce
April 9, 1813: Tobias Lear arrives in New York City
December 24, 1814: United States and Great Britain sign the Treaty of Ghent, ending the War of 1812
March 3, 1815: Congress, with Madison’s support, declares war on Algiers
May 15, 1815: Commanding the American fleet, Stephen Decatur leaves New York for Algiers
July 3, 1815: Stephen Decatur destroys several Algerian ships before suing for peace with Algiers. William Shaler negotiates treaty that ends the practice of paying tribute, frees American and European slaves from Algiers, and secures full American shipping rights in the Mediterranean
November 12, 1815: Stephen Decatur and the Guerriere return to New York City to a hero’s welcome
December 5, 1815: The Algiers Treaty is taken before Congress
December 15, 1815: Madison declares the Barbary War over; American squadrons still patrol the Mediterranean
January 5, 1816: Oliver Hazard Perry is sent as captain of the Java to patrol the Mediterranean
June 1816: Isaac Chauncey replaces Stephen Decatur as commander of the Mediterranean Squadron, which enforces the Algiers Treaty
1830: Andrew Jackson appoints David Porter consul general to Algiers
see more on the site of the Univ of Michigan