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We found 498 books in our category 'POLITICS'

We found 19 news items

We found 498 books




De Léopold Ier à Jean Rey - Les protestants en Belgique de 1839 à 1989
Broché, in-8, pp., illustrations, notes bibliographiques, bibliographie.
@ wikipedia
€ 15.0
ABENDROTH Wolfgang
KPD-Verbot oder mit Kommunisten leben?
Pb 142 pp. Noot LT: met 'Zeittafel zur Geschichte des KPD 1918-1956'; op 17/8/1956 werd de KPD in de BRD verboden.
ABENDROTH Wolfgang @ wikipedia
€ 10.0
ABICHT Ludo
Democratieen sterven liggend - kritiek van de tactische rede
Paperback, in-8, 214 pp.

Politiek-filosofisch pleidooi voor een democratie gedragen door de gewone man.
ABICHT Ludo@ wikipedia
€ 15.0
ABICHT, BAECK, BAUER, BEHEYDT, VANDEN BERGHE, BOUCKAERT, CLAEYS, DEVREEZE, HEREMANS, MERTENS, DE MEULEMEESTER, VAN DE PERRE, PONETTE, RENSON, DE ROOVER, RUYS, SENELLE, STORME, VANHEESWIJCK, VANHEMELRYCK
Hoe Vlaams zijn de Vlamingen? Over identiteit.
Softcover, pb, 8vo, 137 pp.
ABICHT, BAECK, BAUER, BEHEYDT, VANDEN BERGHE, BOUCKAERT, CLAEYS, DEVREEZE, HEREMANS, MERTENS, DE MEULEMEESTER, VAN DE PERRE, PONETTE, RENSON, DE ROOVER, RUYS, SENELLE, STORME, VANHEESWIJCK, VANHEMELRYCK@ wikipedia
€ 10.0
ABSILLIS Kevin
De plicht van de dichter - Hugo Claus en de politiek
Hardcover, stofwikkel, in-8, 349 pp., illustraties

Essays en bronnenmateriaal over de rol van de politiek in leven en werk van de Vlaamse schrijver (1929-2008).
ABSILLIS Kevin@ wikipedia
€ 20.0
ACCOCE P. & RENTCHNICK P.
Ces malades qui nous gouvernent
ACCOCE P. & RENTCHNICK P. @ wikipedia
€ 10.0
ANDERSON Perry
l'état absolutiste. Ses origines et ses voies. I L'Europe de l'Ouest
Broché, in-8, 203 pp.
ANDERSON Perry@ wikipedia
€ 10.0
ANGELI Claude, MESNIER Stéphanie
Fort Chirac
Pb, in-8, 165 pp.
Claude Angeli (°1931) entre au Canard enchaîné en 1971, recruté par Jean Clémentin. Il devient chef des informations, puis rédacteur en chef adjoint pour l'information politique, et rédacteur en chef jusqu'en 2012.

Pour rappel:
■ Charles de Gaulle (8 janvier 1959 - 28 avril 1969)
■ Georges Pompidou (19 juin 1969 - 2 avril 1974)
■ Valéry Giscard d'Estaing (24 mai 1974 - 21 mai 1981)
■ François Mitterrand (21 mai 1981 - 17 mai 1995)
Jacques Chirac (17 mai 1995 - 16 mai 2007)
■ Nicolas Sarkozy (16 mai 2007 - 15 mai 2012)
■ François Hollande (15 mai 2012 - 14 mai 2017)
ANGELI Claude, MESNIER Stéphanie@ wikipedia
€ 15.0
ANTHES Jochen u.a.
Mitbestimmung
Pb 158 pp.
ANTHES Jochen u.a.@ wikipedia
€ 10.0
ANTHIERENS Johan
Het Belgische domdenken. Smaadschrift.
Pb, 74 pp. Een beeld van België als gemoedelijke dictatuur. De monarchie krijgt er van langs in dit smaadschrift. België is een politiek pretpark. Over de lijdzame Belg, over Wilfried Martens, over het bezoek van de paus, over België als wasautomaat voor zwart geld. Het taalgebruik van deze tedere anarchist is verfrissend poëtisch. J.A. gunt ons een blik op zijn manier om naar de dingen te kijken, bijvoorbeeld op het blijkbaar ingestudeerde handenspel tussen Boudewijn en Fabiola tijdens de kersttoespraak. Spitant, sprankelend boekje ! Als u het elders goedkoper vindt, koop het dan daar; wij scheiden er moeilijk van. Johan Anthierens (Machelen, 22 augustus 1937 — Dilbeek, 20 maart 2000) was een Vlaams journalist, columnist, publicist, schrijver, satiricus en tedere anarchist.
ANTHIERENS Johan@ wikipedia
€ 10.0
ANTHIERENS Johan
Het Belgische domdenken. Smaadschrift.
Pb, 74 pp. Een beeld van België als gemoedelijke dictatuur. De monarchie krijgt er van langs in dit smaadschrift. België is een politiek pretpark. Over de lijdzame Belg, over Wilfried Martens, over het bezoek van de paus, over België als wasautomaat voor zwart geld. Het taalgebruik van deze tedere anarchist is verfrissend poëtisch. J.A. gunt ons een blik op zijn manier om naar de dingen te kijken, bijvoorbeeld op het blijkbaar ingestudeerde handenspel tussen Boudewijn en Fabiola tijdens de kersttoespraak. Spitant, sprankelend boekje ! Als u het elders goedkoper vindt, koop het dan daar; wij scheiden er moeilijk van.
Johan Anthierens (Machelen, 22 augustus 1937 — Dilbeek, 20 maart 2000) was een Vlaams journalist, columnist, publicist, schrijver, satiricus en tedere anarchist.
ANTHIERENS Johan@ wikipedia
€ 20.0
ARON Raymond
Penser la liberté, penser la démocratie
Broché, in-8, 1814 pp.

" Jamais les hommes n'ont eu autant de motifs de ne plus s'entretuer. Jamais ils n'ont eu autant de motifs de se sentir associés dans une seule et même entreprise. Je n'en conclus pas que l'âge de l'histoire universelle sera pacifique. Nous le savons, l'homme est un être raisonnable mais les hommes le sont-ils ?" Raymond Aron, L'Aube de l'Histoire universelle, 1960. " L'héritage d'Aron, c'est un état d'esprit, une éthique intellectuelle, un engagement de citoyen. L'état d'esprit réside dans la volonté de comprendre avant de juger en pensant le monde tel qu'il est et non tel qu'on le rêve. L'éthique intellectuelle passe par le respect des faits et l'impartialité dans la discussion. La posture mêle indissociablement le savant et le combattant de la liberté politique, qui "contribue à rendre les hommes dignes d'elle, à en faire des citoyens, ni conformistes ni rebelles, critiques et responsables", Nicolas Baverez.
ARON Raymond@ wikipedia
€ 20.0
ARON Raymond
Plaidoyer pour l'Europe décadente
Softcover, pb, 8vo, 511 pp.
ARON Raymond@ wikipedia
€ 10.0
ASHMORE Harry S., DODGE John V.
Encyclopaedia Britannica World Atlas. World Distributions and World Political Geography. Political-Physical Maps, Geographical Summaries, Geographical Comparisons, Glossary og Geographical Terms. Index to Political-Physical Maps.
Hardcover, leather, guilt engraving on cover and back, bound, large 4to, 518 pp, index, illstrated
ASHMORE Harry S., DODGE John V.@ wikipedia
€ 20.0
BABEUR Henri
Le Prix de la paix
Softcover, Grand in-8 broché, 250 pp., exemplaire numéroté n° 1674. Uncut.
BABEUR Henri@ wikipedia
€ 10.0
BAKOENIN Michel [BAKOUNINE Michail], WITSE Rudy (intro)
God en de Staat. De heruitgave van de brosjure 'God en de Staat' door de russische anarchist Michel Bakoenin, verschenen in 1888 bij J.A. Fortuyn (Radicale Bibliotheek N° 1), verlucht met tekeningen van erkki liukku, pop-bedenkingen door sieg en met een inleiding van rudy witse
Polycopie, 4to, xxi + 92 pp. Met tekeningen en spotprenten. Noot LT: Rudy Witse is de schuilnaam van dichter Willem Houbrechts. De inleiding van Witse is sober van stijl en getuigt van een sterke betrokkenheid op de ideeën van Bakoenin, Proudhon en Kropotkin, voor wie hij nieuwe aandacht vraagt. Witse beklemtoont dat B. de vervormingen (excessen) van het autoritaire marxisme voorzien heeft; tenslotte benadrukt hij de voeling die B. - in tegenstelling tot de kille Marx - met de mensen zélf onderhield (zie p. xx). B. schuift volgende kerngedachte naar voor: zowel de Kerk als de Staat zijn de twee grondvesten van de slavernij der mensen (p. 54). De god, die altijd oneindig groot wordt voorgesteld, maakt de mens nietig. Idem dito voor de Staat. De kaste der wetenschappers lijkt op de priesterkaste (p. 58). B. verzet zich tegen de verering van abstracties (god, staat, vaderlandsliefde, ...) omdat die steeds weer leidt tot geweld, oorlog. Elke zingeving moet op het geluk van de mens betrokken zijn, ook de wetenschap. Een godsdienst die het hiernamaals als ultiem doel stelt, verwerpt impliciet de nood aan sociale verandering. B. spreekt over de nationale goederen (p. 85).
BAKOENIN Michel [BAKOUNINE Michail], WITSE Rudy (intro)@ wikipedia
€ 50.0
BANNING Emile
Les traités de 1815 et la Belgique (e-book; PDF)
Mémoire publié pour la première fois, d'après le manuscrit original, avec un avant-propos (de juin 1919) de Pierre Nothomb. Broché In-12 IV+72 pp. Dans la série "Publications du Comité de Politique Nationale". Attention: scanned text 300 dpi in PDF-file. Note LT: Banning (12/10/1836-1898)

Wij gebruiken WeTransfer om u deze PDF-file te zenden: simpel, snel en veilig.
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BANNING Emile@ wikipedia
€ 10.0
BARCLAY Glen St. J.
Neo-nationalisme
in de Serie Grote Stromingen der 20e eeuw. Hardcover, in-8, linnen, geïllustreerde stofwikkel, 221 pp., illustraties en foto's in ZW.
BARCLAY Glen St. J.@ wikipedia
€ 10.0
BARIL Claire, VANDERVELDE Emile
Le Livre Rouge : choix de lectures destinées à l'enseignement populaire. Exemplaire numéroté.
Softcover, 169 pp. Un des 250 exemplaires de luxe; celui-ci porte le numéro 181. Textes de Louise Ackermann, Julien Benda, Béranger, Louis Blanc, Charles de Coster, Diderot, Eschyle, Feuerbach, Gustave Flaubert, Fourier, Anatole France, Guyau, Heine, Herzen, Homère (Homerus), Victor Hugo, Jean Jaurès (lettre à un ami), Kropotkine, La Fontaine, Lamartine, Karl Marx, Louis Ménard, Michelet, Alfred de Musset, Comtesse de Noailles, Charles-Louis Philippe, Proudhon, Ernest Renan, Romain Roland, Saint-Simon, Vandervelde, Emile Verhaeren, Paul Verlaine, Charles Vildrac, Robert Wace.
BARIL Claire, VANDERVELDE Emile@ wikipedia
€ 75.0
BARREZ Dirk
Cooperaties - hoe heroveren we de economie?
Pb, 192 pp.
Coöperaties kunnen ons voorbij het desastreuze financieel kapitalisme en het neoliberaal roofmodel voeren.
Wij vinden dit een belangrijk boek dat de democratisering van de economie en haar sociaalecologische rol bespreekbaar wil maken. Het geeft een denkrichting aan en bewijst dat het beter is van model te veranderen dan te janken van onmacht.
Toch is de titel misleidend want hij suggereert dat 'de economie' ooit in onze handen was en dat we die kunnen 'heroveren'.
BARREZ Dirk@ wikipedia
€ 20.0

We found 19 news items

nws
Winners of the Wolfson History Prize (GBR)
ID: 202212318971
The first awards were made in 1972. Until 1987, prizes were awarded at the end of the competition year. Since then, they have been awarded in the following year.

Until 2016, up to three awards were made every year. Since 2017, a shortlist of six titles have been announced in advance of one overall winner.

(Winners are listed alphabetically by author)

2022
Devil-Land: England Under Siege, 1588-1688
Clare Jackson
(Allen Lane)

2022 Shortlist:

The Ottomans: Khans, Caesars and Caliphs
Marc David Baer
(Basic Books)

The Ruin of all Witches: Life and Death in the New World
Malcolm Gaskill
(Allen Lane)

Going to Church in Medieval England
Nicholas Orme
(Yale University Press)

God: An Anatomy
Francesca Stavrakopoulou
(Picador)

Fallen Idols: Twelve Statues that Made History
Alex von Tunzelmann
(Headline)

​2021
Black Spartacus: The Epic Life of Toussaint Louverture
Sudhir Hazareesingh
(Allen Lane)

2021 Shortlist:

Survivors: Children’s Lives after the Holocaust
Rebecca Clifford
(Yale University Press)

Ravenna: Capital of Empire, Crucible of Europe
Judith Herrin
(Allen Lane)

Double Lives: A History of Working Motherhood
Helen McCarthy
(Bloomsbury)

Burning the Books: A History of Knowledge Under Attack
Richard Ovenden
(John Murray Press)

Atlantic Wars: From the Fifteenth Century to the Age of Revolution
Geoffrey Plank
(Oxford University Press)

​2020
The Boundless Sea: A Human History of the Oceans
David Abulafia
(Allen Lane)

2020 Shortlist:

A History of the Bible: The Book and Its Faiths
John Barton
(Allen Lane)

A Fistful of Shells: West Africa from the Rise of the Slave Trade to the Age of Revolution
Toby Green
(Allen Lane)

Cricket Country: An Indian Odyssey in the Age of Empire
Prashant Kidambi
(Oxford University Press)

The Five: The Untold Lives of the Women Killed by Jack the Ripper
Hallie Rubenhold
(Doubleday)

Chaucer: A European Life
Marion Turner
(Princeton University Press)

2019
Reckonings: Legacies of Nazi Persecution and the Quest for Justice
Mary Fulbrook
(Oxford University Press)

Shortlist:

Building Anglo-Saxon England
John Blair
(Princeton University Press)

Trading in War: London’s Maritime World in the Age of Cook and Nelson
Margarette Lincoln
(Yale University Press)

Birds in the Ancient World: Winged Words
Jeremy Mynott
(Oxford University Press)

Oscar: A Life
Matthew Sturgis
(Head of Zeus)

Empress: Queen Victoria and India
Miles Taylor
(Yale University Press)

2018
Heretics and Believers: A History of the English Reformation
Peter Marshall
(Yale University Press)

Shortlist:

Out of China: How the Chinese Ended the Era of Western Domination
Robert Bickers
(Allen Lane)

The Butchering Art: Joseph Lister’s Quest to Transform the Grisly World of Victorian Medicine
Lindsey Fitzharris
(Allen Lane)

A Deadly Legacy: German Jews and the Great War
Tim Grady
(Yale University Press)

Black Tudors: The Untold Story
Miranda Kaufmann
(Oneworld)

Heligoland: Britain, Germany and the Struggle for the North Sea
Jan Rüger
(Oxford University Press)



2017
Meetings with Remarkable Manuscripts
Christopher de Hamel
(Allen Lane)

Shortlist:

The House of the Dead: Siberian Exile under the Tsars
Daniel Beer
(Allen Lane)

Henry IV
Chris Given-Wilson
(Yale University Press)

Sleep in Early Modern England
Sasha Handley
(Yale University Press)

Martin Luther: Renegade and Prophet
Lyndal Roper
(The Bodley Head)

Henry the Young King, 1155 – 1183
Matthew Strickland
(Yale University Press)



2016
Augustine: Conversions and Confessions
Robin Lane Fox
(Allen Lane)

KL: A History of the Nazi Concentration Camps
Nikolaus Wachsmann
(Little, Brown)



2015
National Service: Conscription in Britain, 1945-1963
Richard Vinen
(Allen Lane)

Ring of Steel: Germany and Austria-Hungary at War, 1914-1918
Alexander Watson
(Allen Lane)



2014
The Making of the Middle Sea: A History of the Mediterranean from the Beginning to the Emergence of the Classical World
Cyprian Broodbank
(Thames & Hudson)

Red Fortress: The Secret Heart of Russia’s History
Catherine Merridale
(Allen Lane)



2013
Thomas Wyatt: The Heart’s Forest
Susan Brigden
(Faber & Faber)

Fascist Voices: An Intimate History of Mussolini’s Italy
Christopher Duggan
(Random House)



2012
Nikolaus Pevsner: The Life
Susie Harries
(Chatto & Windus)

The Reformation of the Landscape: Religion, Identity & Memory in Early Modern Britain & Ireland
Alexandra Walsham
(Oxford University Press)



2011
The Man on Devil’s Island: Alfred Dreyfus and the Affair that Divided France
Ruth Harris
(Allen Lane)

Islanders: The Pacific in the Age of Empire
Nicholas Thomas
(Yale University Press)



2010
Russia against Napoleon: The Battle for Europe 1807 to 1814
Dominic Lieven
(Allen Lane)

The Hundred Years War, vol. III: Divided Houses
Jonathan Sumption
(Faber & Faber)



2009
Pompeii: The Life of a Roman Town
Mary Beard
(Profile Books)

Dance in the Renaissance: European Fashion, French Obsession
Margaret McGowan
(Yale University Press)



2008
After Tamerlane: The Global History of Empire since 1405
John Darwin
(Allen Lane)



God’s Architect: Pugin & the Building of Romantic Britain
Rosemary Hill
(Allen Lane)



2007
Iron Kingdom: The Rise and Downfall of Prussia 1600-1947
Christopher Clark
(Allen Lane)

City of Laughter: Sex and Satire in Eighteenth-Century London
Vic Gatrell
(Atlantic Books)

The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy
Adam Tooze
(Allen Lane)



2006
Shopping in the Renaissance: Consumer Cultures in Italy 1400-1600
Evelyn Welch
(Yale University Press)

Framing the Early Middle Ages: Europe and the Mediterranean 400-800
Christopher Wickham
(Oxford University Press)



2005
The Dictators: Hitler’s Germany and Stalin’s Russia
Richard Overy
(Allen Lane)

In Command of History: Churchill Fighting and Writing the Second World War
David Reynolds
(Allen Lane)

For distinguished contribution to the writing of history
Christopher Bayly



2004
Transformations of Love: The Friendship of John Evelyn and Margaret Godolphin
Frances Harris
(Oxford University Press)

The Fall of France: The Nazi Invasion of 1940
Julian Jackson
(Oxford University Press)

Reformation: Europe’s House Divided 1490-1700
Diarmaid MacCulloch
(Allen Lane)



2003
White Mughals: Love and Betrayal in Eighteenth-Century India
William Dalrymple
(HarperCollins)

Marianne in Chains: In search of the German Occupation 1940-1945
Robert Gildea
(Macmillan)



2002
Facing the Ocean: The Atlantic and its Peoples 8000BC-AD1500
Barry Cunliffe
(Oxford University Press)

London in the Twentieth Century: A City and its People
Jerry White
(Viking)

For distinguished contribution to the writing of history:
Roy Jenkins



2001
Hitler 1936-1945: Nemesis
Ian Kershaw
(Allen Lane)

The Balkans: From the End of Byzantium to the Present Day
Mark Mazower
(Weidenfeld & Nicolson)

Enlightenment: Britain and the Creation of the Modern World
Roy Porter
(Allen Lane)



2000
An Intimate History of Killing: Face-To-Face Killing In Twentieth-Century Warfare
Joanna Bourke
(Granta Books)

Salisbury: Victorian Titan
Andrew Roberts
(Weidenfeld & Nicolson)

For distinguished contribution to the writing of history
Asa Briggs



1999
Stalingrad
Antony Beevor
(Viking)

The Gentleman’s Daughter: Women’s Lives in Georgian England
Amanda Vickery
(Yale University Press)



1998
The Pleasures of the Imagination: English Culture in the Eighteenth Century
John Brewer
(HarperCollins)

Jennie Lee: A Life
Patricia Hollis
(Oxford University Press)



1997
A People’s Tragedy: The Russian Revolution 1891-1924
Orlando Figes
(Jonathan Cape)

For distinguished contribution to the writing of history
Eric Hobsbawm



1996
Gladstone, 1875-1898
HCG Matthew
(Oxford University Press)



1995
William Morris: A Life for Our Time
Fiona MacCarthy
(Faber & Faber)

The Kaiser and his Court: Wilhelm II and the Government of Germany
John Röhl
(Cambridge University Press)



1994
The Making of Europe: Conquest, Colonization and Cultural Change 950-1350
Robert Bartlett
(Allen Lane)

Living and Dying in England 1100-1540: The Monastic Experience
Barbara Harvey
(Oxford University Press)



1993
Britons: Forging the Nation 1707 – 1837
Linda Colley
(Yale University Press)

John Maynard Keynes, vol. 2: the Economist as Saviour 1920-1937
Robert Skidelsky
(PanMacmillan)



1992
Giordano Bruno and the Embassy Affair
John Bossy
(Yale University Press)

Hitler and Stalin: Parallel Lives
Alan Bullock
(HarperCollins)



1991
The Architecture of Medieval Britain: A Social History
Colin Platt
(Yale University Press)



1990
The Quest for El Cid
Richard Fletcher
(Hutchinson)

How War Came
Donald Cameron Watt
(William Heinemann)



1989
Death in Hamburg: Society and Politics in the Cholera Years, 1830-1910
Richard Evans
(Oxford University Press)

The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Control from 1500-2000
Paul Kennedy
(Unwin Hyman)



1987
Conquest, Coexistence, and Change: Wales 1063-1415
Rees Davies
(Oxford University Press)

The Mediterranean Passion: Victorians and Edwardians in the South
John Pemble
(Oxford University Press)



1986
The Count-Duke of Olivares: The Statesman in an Age of Decline
John Elliott
(Yale University Press)

European Jewry in the Age of Mercantilism 1550-1750
Jonathan Israel
(Oxford University Press)



1985
Dudley Docker: The Life and Times of a Trade Warrior
Richard Davenport-Hines
(Cambridge University Press)

Lloyd George: From Peace to War, 1912-1916
John Grigg
(Methuen)



1984
The Weaker Vessel: Woman’s Lot in Seventeenth-Century England
Antonia Fraser
(Weidenfeld & Nicolson)

Chivalry
Maurice Keen
(Yale University Press)



1983
Winston S. Churchill, vol. VI: Finest Hour
Martin Gilbert
(Heinemann)

King George V
Kenneth Rose
(Weidenfeld & Nicolson)



1982
Death and the Enlightenment: Changing Attitudes to Death Among Christians and Unbelievers in Eighteenth-century France
John McManners
(Oxford University Press)

For distinguished contribution to the writing of history
Steven Runciman



1981
A Liberal Descent: Victorian Historians and the English Past
John Burrow
(Cambridge University Press)

For distinguished contribution to the writing of history
Owen Chadwick



1980
The Making of the Habsburg Monarchy, 1550-1700: An Interpretation
Robert Evans
(Oxford University Press)

Culture and Anarchy in Ireland, 1890-1939
FSL Lyons
(Oxford University Press)



1979
Death in Paris , 1795-1801
Richard Cobb
(Oxford University Press)

Clementine Churchill
Mary Soames
(Cassell)

The Foundations of Modern Political Thought, vol. 1: The Renaissance
Quentin Skinner
(Cambridge University Press)



1978
A Savage War of Peace: Algeria, 1954-1962
Alistair Horne
(Macmillan)

For distinguished contribution to the writing of history
Howard Colvin



1977
Patriots and Liberators: Revolution in the Netherlands, 1780-1813
Simon Schama
(Collins)

Mussolini’s Roman Empire
Denis Mack Smith
(Longman & Co)



1976
A History of Building Types
Nikolaus Pevsner
(Thames & Hudson)

The Eastern Front 1914-17
Norman Stone
(Hodder & Stoughton)



1975
Edward VIII
Frances Donaldson
(Weidenfeld & Nicolson)

The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France, 1750-1789
Olwen Hufton
(Oxford University Press)



1974
The Ancient Economy
Moses Finley
(Chatto & Windus)

France, 1848-1945: Ambition, Love & Politics
Theodore Zeldin
(Oxford University Press)



1973
Henry II
WL Warren
(Eyre & Spottiswoode)

The Rosicrucian Enlightenment
Frances Yates
(Routledge & Kegan Paul)



1972
Grand Strategy, vol. IV: August 1942 – September 1943
Michael Howard
(HMSO)

Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century England
Keith Thomas
(Weidenfeld & Nicolson)
Land: GBR
Transparency International
The Corruption Perceptions Index 2019 published - Belgium 17th best - Bad score of Turkey not commented in the report - RDC Congo at place 168 in the ranking
ID: 202001247812
The Corruption Perceptions Index 2019 reveals a staggering number of countries are showing little to no improvement in tackling corruption. Our analysis also suggests that reducing big money in politics and promoting inclusive political decision-making are essential to curb corruption. The CPI scores 180 countries and territories by their perceived levels of public sector corruption, according to experts and business people.

In the last year, anti-corruption movements across the globe gained momentum as millions of people joined together to speak out against corruption in their governments. Protests from Latin America, North Africa and Eastern Europe to the Middle East and Central Asia made headlines as citizens marched in Santiago, Prague, Beirut, and a host of other cities to voice their frustrations in the streets. From fraud that occurs at the highest levels of government to petty bribery that blocks access to basic public services like health care and education, citizens are fed up with corrupt leaders and institutions. This frustration fuels a growing lack of trust in government and further erodes public confidence in political leaders, elected officials and democracy. The current state of corruption speaks to a need for greater political integrity in many countries. To have any chance of curbing corruption, governments must strengthen checks and balances, limit the influence of big money in politics and ensure broad input in political decision-making. Public policies and resources should not be determined by economic power or political influence, but by fair consultation and impartial budget allocation.

Land: INT
Categorie: POLITICS - GESJOEMEL
LT
UGent-leerstoel Etienne Vermeersch botst op kritiek van Fons Dewulf - Boudry hekelt optreden Thunberg
ID: 201909231142
In De Standaard verwijt Dewulf aan Vermeersch dat hij de controverse zocht.
De arme kerel heeft bijscholing nodig. Vermeersch liet vaak een ander geluid horen dan wat de orkestleiders wilden horen. Dat is niet hetzelfde als de controverse zoeken. Dat is het algemene brave discours kritisch bijsturen.
Heeft Dewulf misschien naast de leerstoel gegrepen? Die ging naar Maarten Boudry. Zowel Dewulf als Boudry bewijzen (laatstgenoemde in De Afspraak in een reactie op het optreden van Greta Thunberg in de VN) overigens dat er voorlopig geen waardig opvolger voorhanden is voor Etienne Vermeersch.
Boudry hekelde de toon van de uitspraken van Thunberg en noemde haar optreden daarom contra-productief. Dat is een veelgebruikte tactiek om de boodschap onder te sneeuwen. Bovendien is Thunberg nog maar een kind, zo stelde hij samen met rector Van Goethem vast. Ook al een goedkoop argument om niet naar de boodschap te moeten luisteren.

En de boodschap is deze:
"My message is that we'll be watching you.

"This is all wrong. I shouldn't be up here. I should be back in school on the other side of the ocean. Yet you all come to us young people for hope. How dare you!

"You have stolen my dreams and my childhood with your empty words. And yet I'm one of the lucky ones. People are suffering. People are dying. Entire ecosystems are collapsing. We are in the beginning of a mass extinction, and all you can talk about is money and fairy tales of eternal economic growth. How dare you!

"For more than 30 years, the science has been crystal clear. How dare you continue to look away and come here saying that you're doing enough, when the politics and solutions needed are still nowhere in sight.

"You say you hear us and that you understand the urgency. But no matter how sad and angry I am, I do not want to believe that. Because if you really understood the situation and still kept on failing to act, then you would be evil. And that I refuse to believe.

"The popular idea of cutting our emissions in half in 10 years only gives us a 50% chance of staying below 1.5 degrees [Celsius], and the risk of setting off irreversible chain reactions beyond human control.

"Fifty percent may be acceptable to you. But those numbers do not include tipping points, most feedback loops, additional warming hidden by toxic air pollution or the aspects of equity and climate justice. They also rely on my generation sucking hundreds of billions of tons of your CO2 out of the air with technologies that barely exist.

"So a 50% risk is simply not acceptable to us — we who have to live with the consequences.

"To have a 67% chance of staying below a 1.5 degrees global temperature rise – the best odds given by the [Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change] – the world had 420 gigatons of CO2 left to emit back on Jan. 1st, 2018. Today that figure is already down to less than 350 gigatons.

"How dare you pretend that this can be solved with just 'business as usual' and some technical solutions? With today's emissions levels, that remaining CO2 budget will be entirely gone within less than 8 1/2 years.

"There will not be any solutions or plans presented in line with these figures here today, because these numbers are too uncomfortable. And you are still not mature enough to tell it like it is.

"You are failing us. But the young people are starting to understand your betrayal. The eyes of all future generations are upon you. And if you choose to fail us, I say: We will never forgive you.

"We will not let you get away with this. Right here, right now is where we draw the line. The world is waking up. And change is coming, whether you like it or not.

"Thank you."
Article 201510220137: Crescent and Star: Turkey Between Two Worlds
KINZER, STEPHEN
Crescent and Star: Turkey Between Two Worlds
ID: 201510220137
Hardcover. "Drawing on its unique geography, history, and politics, this study of Turkey considers its prospects for democratic rule and its place among nations in the 21st century. Kinzer travels across the land, interviews its many peoples, and considers the key issues confronting Turkey: the role of its military; the secular and religious traditions; and the politics and human rights issues in relation to joining the European Union. Arguing that Turkey is the most "audacious nation of the twenty-first century" the author explores the unrealized potential of this nation--once the seat of a great empire--sandwiched neatly between Europe and Asia. Offers an intimate report on Turkey today, pulling aside the veil that has hidden it from the outside world. Traces its development into a modern state, and outlines the great dilemmas it now faces.Turkey is poised between Europe and Asia, caught between the glories of its Ottoman past and its hopes for a democratic future, between the traditional power of its army and the needs of its impatient citizens, between Muslim traditions and secular expectations. " 252p. index.
Land: TUR
Article 201412271246: Back to the land
NULTY Thomas
Back to the land
ID: 201412271246
The Most Reverend Dr. Thomas Nulty or Thomas McNulty (1818-1898) was born to a farming family in Fennor, Oldcastle, Co. Meath,[1][2] on July 7, 1818 and died in office as the Irish Roman Catholic Bishop of Meath[3] on Christmas Eve, 1898. Nulty was educated at Gilson School, Oldcastle, County Meath, St. Finians, Navan Seminary and Maynooth College. He was ordained in 1846. Nulty was a cleric during the Irish Potato Famine. During the course of his first pastoral appointment, he officiated at an average 11 funerals of famine victims (most children or the aged) a day, and in 1848 he described a large-scale eviction of 700 tenants in the diocese.[4]

Nulty rose to become the Most Reverend Bishop of Meath and was known as a fierce defender of the tenant rights of Irish tenant farmers throughout the 34 years that he served in that office from 1864 to 1898.[5][6] Thomas Nulty is famed for his 1881 tract Back to the Land, wherein he makes the case for land reform of the Irish land tenure system.[7] Nulty was a friend and supporter of the Irish nationalist Charles Stewart Parnell until Parnell's divorce crisis in 1889.[8][9]

Dr. Thomas Nulty, who had attended the First Vatican Council in 1870, said his last mass on December 21, 1898.

To the Clergy and Laity of the Diocese of Meath:

Dearly Beloved Brethren,-

I venture to take the liberty of dedicating the following Essay to you, as a mark of my respect and affection. In this Essay I do not, of course, address myself to you as your Bishop, for I have no divine commission to enlighten you on your civil rights, or to instruct you in the principles of Land Tenure or Political Economy. I feel, however, a deep concern even in your temporal interests — deeper, indeed, than in my own; for what temporal interests can I have save those I must always feel in your welfare? It is, then, because the Land Question is one not merely of vital importance, but one of life and death to you, as well as to the majority of my countrymen, that I have ventured to write on it at all.

With a due sense of my responsibility, I have examined this great question with all the care and consideration I had time to bestow on it. A subject so abstruse and so difficult could not, by any possibility, be made attractive and interesting. My only great regret, then, is that my numerous duties in nearly every part of the Diocese for the last month have not left me sufficient time to put my views before you with the perspicuity, the order and the persuasiveness that I should desire. However, even in the crude, unfinished form in which this Essay is now submitted to you, I hope it will prove of some use in assisting you to form a correct estimate of the real value and merit of Mr. Gladstone’s coming Bill.

For my own part, I confess I am not very sanguine in my expectations of this Bill — at any rate, when it shall have passed the Lords. The hereditary legislators will, I fear, never surrender the monopoly in the land which they have usurped for centuries past; at least till it has become quite plain to them that they have lost the power of holding it any longer. It is, however, now quite manifest to all the world — except, perhaps, to themselves — that they hold that power no longer.

We, however, can afford calmly to wait. While we are, therefore, prepared to receive with gratitude any settlement of the question which will substantially secure to us our just rights, we will never be satisfied with less. Nothing short of a full and comprehensive measure of justice will ever satisfy the tenant farmers of Ireland, or put an end to the Land League agitation.

The people of Ireland are now keenly alive to the important fact that if they are loyal and true to themselves, and that they set their faces against every form of violence and crime, they have the power to compel the landlords to surrender all their just rights in their entirety.

If the tenant farmers refuse to pay more than a just rent for their farms, and no one takes a farm from which a tenant has been evicted for the non-payment of an unjust or exorbitant rent, then our cause is practically gained. The landlords may, no doubt, wreak their vengeance on a few, whom they may regard as the leaders of the movement; but the patriotism and generosity of their countrymen will compensate these abundantly for their losses, and superabundantly reward them for the essential and important services they have rendered to their country at the critical period of its history.

You know but too well, and perhaps to your cost, that there are bad landlords in Meath, and worse still in Westmeath, and perhaps also in the other Counties of this Diocese. We are, unfortunately, too familiar with all forms of extermination, from the eviction of a Parish Priest, who was willing to pay his rent, to the wholesale clearance of the honest, industrious people of an entire district. But we have, thank God, a few good landlords, too. Some of these, like the Earl of Fingal, belong to our own faith; some, like the late Lord Athlumny, are Protestants; and some among the very best are Tories of the highest type of conservatism.

You have always cherished feelings of the deepest gratitude and affection for every landlord, irrespective of his politics or his creed, who treated you with justice, consideration and kindness. I have always heartily commended you for these feelings.

For my own part, I can assure you, I entertain no unfriendly feelings for any landlord living, and in this Essay I write of them not as individuals, but as a class, and further, I freely admit that there are individual landlords who are highly honourable exceptions to the class to which they belong. But that I heartily dislike the existing system of Land Tenure, and the frightful extent to which it has been abused, by the vast majority of landlords, will be evident to anyone who reads this Essay through.

I remain, Dearly Beloved Brethren, respectfully yours,
+THOMAS NULTY.

BACK TO THE LAND
Our Land System Not justified by its General Acceptance.

Anyone who ventures to question the justice or the policy of maintaining the present system of Irish Land Tenure will be met at once by a pretty general feeling which will warn him emphatically that its venerable antiquity entitles it, if not to reverence and respect, at least to tenderness and forbearance.

I freely admit that feeling to be most natural and perhaps very general also; but I altogether deny its reasonableness. It proves too much. Any existing social institution is undoubtedly entitled to justice and fair play; but no institution, no matter what may have been its standing or its popularity, is entitled to exceptional tenderness and forbearance if it can be shown that it is intrinsically unjust and cruel. Worse institutions by far than any system of Land Tenure can and have had a long and prosperous career, till their true character became generally known and then they were suffered to exist no longer.

Human Slavery Once Generally Accepted.

Slavery is found to have existed, as a social institution, in almost all nations, civilised as well as barbarous, and in every age of the world, up almost to our own times. We hardly ever find it in the state of a merely passing phenomenon, or as a purely temporary result of conquest or of war, but always as a settled, established and recognised state of social existence, in which generation followed generation in unbroken succession, and in which thousands upon thousands of human beings lived and died. Hardly anyone had the public spirit to question its character or to denounce its excesses; it had no struggle to make for its existence, and the degradation in which it held its unhappy victims was universally regarded as nothing worse than a mere sentimental grievance.

On the other hand, the justice of the right of property which a master claimed in his slaves was universally accepted in the light of a first principle of morality. His slaves were either born on his estate, and he had to submit to the labour and the cost of rearing and maintaining them to manhood, or he acquired them by inheritance or by free gift, or, failing these, he acquired them by the right of purchase — having paid in exchange for them what, according to the usages of society and the common estimation of his countrymen, was regarded as their full pecuniary value. Property, therefore, in slaves was regarded as sacred, and as inviolable as any other species of property.

Even Christians Recognised Slavery.

So deeply rooted and so universally received was this conviction that the Christian religion itself, though it recognised no distinction between Jew and Gentile, between slave or freeman, cautiously abstained from denouncing slavery itself as an injustice or a wrong. It prudently tolerated this crying evil, because in the state of public feeling then existing, and at the low standard of enlightenment and intelligence then prevailing, it was simply impossible to remedy it.

Thus then had slavery come down almost to our own time as an established social institution, carrying with it the practical sanction and approval of ages and nations, and surrounded with a prestige of standing and general acceptance well calculated to recommend it to men’s feelings and sympathies. And yet it was the embodiment of the most odious and cruel injustice that ever afflicted humanity. To claim a right of property in man was to lower a rational creature to the level of the beast of the field; it was a revolting and an unnatural degradation of the nobility of human nature itself. (etc, see link)

Back to the land
Land: IRL
PEW Research Forum
The World's Muslims: Religion, Politics and Society
ID: 201304300928
Human Rights Watch
Stop Harassing Writer Akram Aylisli - Authorities Should Protect Author, Uphold Free Speech
ID: 201302121058
FEBRUARY 12, 2013
(Moscow) – The Azerbaijani government should immediately end a hostile campaign of intimidation against writer Akram Aylisli. Aylisli recently published a controversial novel depicting relationships between ethnic Azeris and Armenians in Azerbaijan.

Foreign governments and intergovernmental organizations of which Azerbaijan is a member should speak out against this intimidation campaign. They should urge the authorities to immediately investigate those responsible for threats against Aylisli, and to respect freedom of expression.

“The Azerbaijani authorities have an obligation to protect Akram Aylisli,” said Hugh Williamson, Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Instead, they have led the effort to intimidate him, putting him at risk with a campaign of vicious smears and hostile rhetoric.”

Aylisli, a member of the Union of Writers of Azerbaijan since the Soviet era, is the author of Stone Dreams. The novel includes a description of violence by ethnic Azeris against Armenians during the 1920s, and at the end of the Soviet era, when the two countries engaged in armed conflict. Aylisli told Human Rights Watch that he saw the novel as an appeal for friendship between the two nations. The novel was published in Friendship of Peoples, a Russian literary journal, in December 2012.

Azerbaijan and Armenia fought a seven-year war over Nagorno-Karabakh, a primarily ethnic Armenian-populated autonomous enclave in Azerbaijan. Despite a 1994 ceasefire, the conflict has not yet reached a political solution. Against the background of the unresolved nature of the conflict, Aylisli’s sympathetic portrayal of Armenians and condemnation of violence against them caused uproar in Azerbaijan. An escalating crescendo of hateful rhetoric and threats against Aylisli started at the end of January 2013, culminating in a February 11 public statement by Hafiz Hajiyev, head of Modern Musavat, a pro-government political party. Hajiyev publicly said that he would pay AZN10,000 [US$12,700] to anyone who would cut off Aylisli’s ear.

“Azerbaijan’s authorities should immediately investigate and hold accountable anyone responsible for making threats against Aylisli, and ensure his personal safety,” Williamson said.

On January 29, officials from the Yeni Azerbaijan, Azerbaijan’s ruling party, publicly called on Aylisli to withdraw the novel and ask for the nation’s forgiveness. Aylisli told Human Rights Watch that two days later, a crowd of about 70 people gathered in front of his home, shouting “Akram, leave the country now,” and “Shame on you”, and burned effigies of the author. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that police were present but made no effort to disperse the crowd. No damage was done to Aylisli’s home.

In a speech about Aylisli’s book, a high level official from Azerbaijan’s presidential administration said that, “We, as the Azerbaijani people, must express public hatred toward these people," a comment that appeared aimed at Aylisli.

During a February 1 session, some members of Azerbaijan’s parliament denounced Aylisli, called for him to be stripped of his honorary “People’s Writer” title and medals, and demanded that he take a DNA test to prove his ethnicity. On February 7, President Ilham Aliyev signed a decree stripping Aylisli of the title, which he had held since 1998, and cutting off his presidential monthly pension of AZN1000 [US$1,270], which he had drawn since 2002. Aylisli learned of the presidential decree from television news.

In the wake of the public vitriol, Aylisli’s wife and son were fired from their jobs. On February 4, a senior officer at Azerbaijan’s customs agency forced Najaf Naibov-Aylisli, Aylisli’s son, to sign a statement that he was “voluntarily” resigning from his job as department chief. Aylisli told Human Rights Watch his son had received no reprimands during his 12 years on job.

“My son had nothing to do with politics,” Aylisli said. “In fact he always advised me not to write about politics and never agreed with my political views.”

On February 5, Aylisli’s wife, Galina Alexandrovna, was forced to sign a “voluntary” statement resigning from her job at a public library, following an inspection announced several days before.

Public book burnings of Aylisli’s works, some organized by the ruling party, have taken place in several cities in Azerbaijan.

“The government of Azerbaijan is making a mockery of its international obligations on freedom of expression,” Williamson said. “This is shocking, particularly after Azerbaijani officials flocked to Strasbourg last month to tout the government’s human rights record at the Council of Europe.”

The European Court of Human Rights has issued numerous rulings upholding the principle that freedom of speech also protects ideas that might be shocking or disturbing to society. In a judgment handed down against Azerbaijan, in a case that dealt speech related to the Nagorno Karabakh conflict, the court said, “[F]reedom of information applie[s] not only to information or ideas that are favorably received, but also to those that offend, shock or disturb.”
Land: AZE
RORTY Richard
Achieving Our Country - Leftist Thought in Twentieth-Century America
ID: 199908270286

Must the sins of America's past poison its hope for the future? Lately the American Left, withdrawing into the ivied halls of academe to rue the nation's shame, has answered yes in both word and deed. In Achieving Our Country, one of America's foremost philosophers challenges this lost generation of the Left to understand the role it might play in the great tradition of democratic intellectual labor that started with writers like Walt Whitman and John Dewey. How have national pride and American patriotism come to seem an endorsement of atrocities--from slavery to the slaughter of Native Americans, from the rape of ancient forests to the Vietnam War? Achieving Our Country traces the sources of this debilitating mentality of shame in the Left, as well as the harm it does to its proponents and to the country. At the center of this history is the conflict between the Old Left and the New that arose during the Vietnam War era. Richard Rorty describes how the paradoxical victory of the antiwar movement, ushering in the Nixon years, encouraged a disillusioned generation of intellectuals to pursue High Theory at the expense of considering the place of ideas in our common life. In this turn to theory, Rorty sees a retreat from the secularism and pragmatism championed by Dewey and Whitman, and he decries the tendency of the heirs of the New Left to theorize about the United States from a distance instead of participating in the civic work of shaping our national future. In the absence of a vibrant, active Left, the views of intellectuals on the American Right have come to dominate the public sphere. This galvanizing book, adapted from Rorty's Massey Lectures of 1997, takes the first step toward redressing the imbalance in American cultural life by rallying those on the Left to the civic engagement and inspiration needed for achieving our country.
REVIEWS
Richard Rorty [is] John Dewey's ablest intellectual heir and one of the most influential philosophers alive...In lively prose, [Achieving Our Country] offers a pointed and necessary reminder that left academics have too often been content to talk to each other about the theory of hegemony while the right has been busy with the practice of it. If those criticized in the book dismiss it the way they brush aside the Blooms and D'Souzas of the world, an opportunity will be lost. Rorty invites a serious conversation about the purposes of intellectual work and the direction of left politics. I wouldn't want him to have the last word, but the conversation should be joined. If it is conducted with the verve of Achieving Our Country, and if it shares Rorty's genuine commitment to revitalizing the left as a national force, it will be a very good thing. The Nation There is much to be debated, much that will probably infuriate, in Rorty's picture of contemporary Left intellectuals... Achieving Our Country is meant to be pointedly polemical, and Rorty...[has] succeeded at stirring up emotions as well as thoughts. -- Vincent J. Bertolini American Literature In his philosophically rigorous new book, Achieving Our Country, Richard Rorty raises a provocative if familiar question: Whatever happened to national pride in this country?...[and] he offers a persuasive analysis of why such pride has been lost. -- Christopher Lehmann-Haupt New York Times Achieving Our Country is an appeal to American intellectuals to abandon the intransigent cynicism of the academic, cultural left and to return to the political ambitions of Emerson, Dewey, Herbert Croly and their allies. What Rorty has written--as deftly, amusingly and cleverly as he always writes--is a lay sermon for the untheological...[Americans] do not need to know what God wants but what we are capable of wanting and doing...[Rorty argues] that we would do better to try to improve the world than lament its fallen condition. On that he will carry with him a good many readers. -- Alan Ryan New York Times Book Review [In this] slim, elegantly written book...Rorty scolds other radical academics for abandoning pride in the nation's democratic promise; in their obsession with 'victim studies,' he argues, they have neglected to inspire the 'shared social hope' that motivated every mass movement against injustice from the abolitionists to the voting rights campaign. -- Michael Kazin Washington Post Book World The heart of Achieving Our Country is Professor Rorty's critique of the cultural left. Barricaded in the university, this left has isolated itself, he asserts, from the bread-and-butter issues of economic equality and security and the practical political struggles that once occupied the reform tradition...Controversies are seeded like land mines in every paragraph of this short book. -- Peter Steinfels New York Times Mr. Rorty calls for a left which dreams of achieving America, a patriotic left he recognises from the days of the New Deal and which he remembers from the early 1960s when, for example, people campaigned for civil-rights laws to make their country better. Where, he wonders, has such reformist pride gone? In place of Marxist scholasticism , Mr. Rorty wants a left which makes reducing inequalities part of a civic religion . Yet material differences are not the only sort of thing that bothers Mr. Rorty about the contemporary United States. On a communitarian note, he argues that the civic religion he advocates should include commitment to shared values that rise above ethnic or minority loyalties. The Economist Richard Rorty's Achieving Our Country is short, comprehensible and urges a civic and political agenda--the re-engagement of the Left...Rorty seeks to revive the vision of Walt Whitman and John Dewey, and what he sees as the real American Dream--a compassionate society held together by nothing more absolute than consensus and the belief that humane legal and economic agreements stand at the centre of democratic civilisation. -- Brian Eno The Guardian, Featured in the Books of the Year issue for 1998 A succinct, stimulating, crisply written book...Rorty proposes a return to the liberal values that animated American reform movements for the first two-thirds of this century: from the long struggle of labor unions to obtain better conditions for workers, to the efforts of leaders like Woodrow Wilson, Theodore and Franklin Roosevelt, John Kennedy, and Lyndon Johnson to redistribute the nation's wealth more equitably...Although Rorty is an academic philosopher, in this book, addressed to the general reader, he employs clear, vigorous language that makes reading a pleasure rather than a chore. -- Merle Rubin Christian Science Monitor Rorty made us realise how much poorer we are if Jefferson, Emerson, Whitman, Thoreau, Stowe, Peirce, William James, Santayana and Dewey are not familiar landmarks in our intellectual scenery...If we [scoff] at Rorty's patriotic American leftism, we may find that it sets off some doubts that will come back to haunt us. When we quibble over his interpretations of our favourite thinkers, are we not confirming his stereotype of left pedantry? When we sniff at him for keeping company with rightists and renegades, do we not bear out his idea of a Left that is keener on its own purity than on fighting for the poor? As we look down our noses at the etiolation of socialism in America, should we not reckon the costs and benefits of European mass movements, and reflect on the political history of the anti-Americanism that comes to us so easily? Before leftist subjects of Her Majesty get snooty about American democracy, we might stop and wonder whose interests are served by our unshakable optimism about the past. The unguarded naiveties of Achieving Our Country are not quite as negligent as they look, and the book may well turn out to be one of the first signs of a long-delayed breaking of the ice in socialist politics following the end of the Cold War. The fact that Rorty's old-style American leftism is closer to British New Labour than to good old socialism may prove not that he is confused, but that it is time to reset our political chronometers. -- Jonathan Ree London Review of Books Achieving Our Country criticizes academic theorists and reminds us that left-wing reformers in previous periods of American history either made their careers outside the university or, at least, developed strong links with the decidedly non-academic labor movement...Rorty's distinction between a 'cultural Left' and a reformist Left is useful. As Freud replaced Marx in the imagination of academic theorists, Rorty explains, a cultural left--one that thinks more about stigma than about money, more about deep and hidden psychosexual motivations than about shallow and evident greed --came into being. -- Alan Wolfe The Chronicle of Higher Education Richard Rorty is considered by many to be America's greatest living philosopher. That assessment is firmly supported in this short, profound, and lucid volume. In Achieving Our Country, Rorty does what many of us think philosophers ought to do, namely, lay a foundation and establish a framework within which we as individuals and as a society can conceptualize and fashion operational theories by which to live and prosper together...I can think of no more important book that I have read in recent years or one that I could more fervently recommend to the readers of this journal that Rorty's Achieving Our Country. -- Thomas R. DeGregori Journal of Economic Issues For many years now, Rorty has been one of the most important American pragmatists, defending the experimental modes of inquiry first propounded by John Dewey from both traditionalists and postmodernists...In Achieving Our Country, a brief but eloquent book, Rorty begs his academic colleagues to return to the real world. I am nostalgic for the days, he writes, 'when leftist professors concerned themselves with issues in real politics (such as the availability of health care to the poor and the need for strong labor unions) rather than with academic politics. -- Jefferson Decker In These Times Rorty offers a resolute defense of pragmatic and reformist politics, coupled with a sophisticated rereading of the history of 20th-century American leftist thought. The result is a book that ends up reaffirming the great achievements of American left liberalism--strong unions, Social Security, and the principled regulation of corporate power--even as it illuminates the ways in which the cultural myopia of today's academic left has placed those achievements in jeopardy...In his insistence that there is a great American tradition of leftist reform, and that this rendition can be reinvigorated only by a return to the idea of the nation, Rorty has constructed as humane and as hopeful a defense of patriotism as one can imagine. -- James Surowiecki Boston Phoenix Rorty's new book urges a return to American liberalism's days of hope, pride, and struggle within the system...Subtle without being dense, good-natured in its defiance of a whole spectrum of conventional wisdoms, Achieving Our Country is a rare book. It should be compulsory reading--if that weren't contrary to all it stands for. -- Richard Lamb The Reader's Catalog A deeply considered diagnosis, a vital set of prophecies. Publishers Weekly Richard Rorty is remarkable not just for being a gadfly to analytical philosophers, but for his immense reading, his lively prose and his obvious moral engagement with the issues...The conversation of philosophy would be much poorer without him...Achieving Our Country is a valuable addition to Rorty's writings...He has things to say that are important and timely...They are said powerfully. -- Hilary Putnam Times Literary Supplement It is refreshing to find so hard-hitting a portrait of the contemporary academic Left in the work of one of its own. -- Peter Berkowitz Commentary Richard Rorty is an inspirational writer who makes a valiant effort in this book to create an atmosphere of cooperation among those he characterizes as he Reformist Left. He wants us to return to the ideals of John Dewey and Walt Whitman and achieve the greatness that is possible in a country of our wealth and dominance. -- Edward J. Bander Bimonthly Review of Law Books A bracing tonic against the jejune profundities and the self-centered talking points by the far Right that find their way into the media. In sharply etched arguments Rorty weaves in philosophical and historical perspectives...His message isn't one of resignation, rather of hope grounded in the Left's potential for reinventing itself. He thinks it's time for the Left to stop demonizing capitalist America and to develop once again a political program of its own. -- Terry Doran Buffalo News On behalf of countless readers whose reaction to most left academic writing over the past two decades has increasingly been not so much either agreement or disagreement as an overpowering sense of So what?, the eminent philosopher Richard Rorty has composed a marvelous philippic against the entrenched irrelevance of much of the American left...Rorty's most important insight is into the political worldview of the academic left: that it is essentially nonpolitical...He offers a withering comparison of the core beliefs of the current cultural left with those of one of its forebears, Walt Whitman. -- Harold Meyerson Dissent Achieving our country (the phrase is culled from James Baldwin's The Fire Next Time) isn't just a redeemable aim, it's what good radical politics has always been about. -- Gideon Calder Radical Philosophy Politically progressive academics should consider carefully Rorty's arguments...They pose important questions about American politics and public intellectual practice. -- Harvey Kaye Times Higher Educational Supplement
Land: USA
HELMREICH Jonathan E.
1998: boek relaties USA-Belgium: United States Relations with Belgium and the Congo, 1940–1960
ID: 199800003755
Jonathan E. Helmreich. United States Relations with Belgium and the Congo, 1940–1960. Newark: University of Delaware Press. Associated University Presses, London. 1998. Pp. 289. $43.50.

Although my own interest in this particular study stems more from concern for politics in the Congo than from any sustained involvement in bilateral diplomacy between the United States and Belgium, I nevertheless discovered here much useful background information. Jonathan E. Helmreich's work is a study of the high-level bilateral diplomatic negotiations between the two states during the twenty years between 1940 and 1960. Unfortunately, however, this diplomatic focus does not provide readers with a broadly based study of political, cultural, and economic interactions between the United States and Belgium. At its best, this is a competent diplomatic history; at worst, it is a frustrating exercise that confronts readers with some of the limitations of classic diplomatic history.



http://www.historycooperative.org/cgi-bin/justtop.cgi?act=justtop&url=http://www.historycoop.org/journals/ahr/104.5/br_15.html

UNITED STATES RELATIONS WITH BELGIUM AND THE CONGO, 1940–1960, Jonathan E. Helmreich. This comprehensive study of United States-Belgo diplomatic ties focuses on the small power-superpower relationship and the Congo's effect upon it. Consideration is given to the U.S. purchase of Congolese uranium and the fairness of the compensation paid, Belgium's assistance to U.S. efforts to encourage European integration, and the coming of independence in the Congo. Belgium's participation in NATO, trade of Congo goods, and American policy toward UN action in the Congo are also discussed.

653-9 $43.50

http://www.english.udel.edu/udpress/catalog_stoz.html
Land: BEL
LT
Politiek Overzicht 1998
ID: 199800001261
Res Publica 1999/2-3 - (265-284) Stefaan FIERS and Mark DEWEERDT - Belgian politics in 1998

(summary) For the third consecutive year, Belgian politics was to a large extent dominated by the aftermath of the Dutroux-pedophile case. The political world was under pressure to reform the judiciary and the police-forces, as these had shown lack of competence in this case. The pressure mounted after Dutroux' brief escape on April 23rd, which caused the resignation of the ministers of Interior (Van de Lanotte) and of Justice (De Clerck). Dutroux' escape, however, reunited the majority and the opposition parties to make a deal on the reforms of the judiciary and the police-forces (the Octopus-agreements).

The aftermath of Dutroux' escape, and the Octopus-agreements overshadowed the entry of Belgium into the EMU. It also made an end to the everlasting speculations about snap elections.

From autumn 1998 onwards, most attention was paid to the policy on asylum and the Agusta/Dassault trial. The dead of a Nigerian refugee during her forced repatriation caused the resignation of deputy prime minister Tobback, and a limited adjustment of the procedure to grant asylum. In December 1998, the Court of Cassation convicted the politicians that were charged in the Agusta/Dassault-bribery cases.

Other important issues in 1998 were the policy on employment, the right to vote for non-Belgian citizens and disputes on the implementation of the language-laws in communities with a special linguistic status.
Land: BEL
Robert Gilman
The Idea Of Owning Land An old notion forged by the sword is quietly undergoing a profound transformation
ID: 198412210004
One of the articles in Living With The Land (IC#8)
Originally published in Winter 1984 on page 5
Copyright (c)1985, 1997 by Context Institute
HOWEVER NATURAL “owning” land may seem in our culture, in the long sweep of human existence, it is a fairly recent invention. Where did this notion come from? What does it really mean to “own” land? Why do we, in our culture, allow a person to draw lines in the dirt and then have almost complete control over what goes on inside those boundaries? What are the advantages, the disadvantages, and the alternatives? How might a humane and sustainable culture re-invent the “ownership” connection between people and the land?

These questions are unfamiliar (perhaps even uncomfortable) to much of our society, for our sense of “land ownership” is so deeply embedded in our fundamental cultural assumptions that we never stop to consider its implications or alternatives. Most people are at best only aware of two choices, two patterns, for land ownership – private ownership (which we associate with the industrial West) and state ownership (as in the Communist East).

Both of these patterns are full of problems and paradoxes. Private ownership enhances personal freedom (for those who are owners), but frequently leads to vast concentrations of wealth (even in the U.S., 75% of the privately held land is owned by 5% of the private landholders), and the effective denial of freedom and power to those without great wealth. State ownership muffles differences in wealth and some of the abuses of individualistic ownership, but replaces them with the often worse abuses of bureaucratic control.

Both systems treat the land as an inert resource to be exploited as fully as possible, often with little thought for the future or respect for the needs of non-human life. Both assume that land ownership goes with a kind of exclusive national sovereignty that is intimately connected to the logic of war.

In short, both systems seem to be leading us towards disaster, yet what other options are there?

The answer, fortunately, is that there are a number of promising alternatives. To understand them, however, we will need to begin by diving deeply into what ownership is and where it has come from.

THE HISTORICAL ROOTS

Beginnings Our feelings about ownership have very deep roots. Most animal life has a sense of territory – a place to be at home and to defend. Indeed, this territoriality seems to be associated with the oldest (reptilian) part the brain (see IN CONTEXT, #6) and forms a biological basis for our sense of property. It is closely associated with our sense of security and our instinctual “fight or flight” responses, all of which gives a powerful emotional dimension to our experience of ownership. Yet this biological basis does not determine the form that territoriality takes in different cultures.

Humans, like many of our primate cousins, engage in group (as well as individual) territoriality. Tribal groups saw themselves connected to particular territories – a place that was “theirs.” Yet their attitude towards the land was very different from ours. They frequently spoke of the land as their parent or as a sacred being, on whom they were dependent and to whom they owed loyalty and service. Among the aborigines of Australia, individuals would inherit a special relationship to sacred places, but rather than “ownership,” this relationship was more like being owned by the land. This sense of responsibility extended to ancestors and future generations as well. The Ashanti of Ghana say, “Land belongs to a vast family of whom many are dead, a few are living and a countless host are still unborn.”

For most of these tribal peoples, their sense of “land ownership” involved only the right to use and to exclude people of other tribes (but usually not members of their own). If there were any private rights, these were usually subject to review by the group and would cease if the land was no longer being used. The sale of land was either not even a possibility or not permitted. As for inheritance, every person had use rights simply by membership in the group, so a growing child would not have to wait until some other individual died (or pay a special fee) to gain full access to the land.

Early Agricultural Societies Farming made the human relationship to the land more concentrated. Tilling the land, making permanent settlements, etc., all meant a greater direct investment in a particular place. Yet this did not lead immediately to our present ideas of ownership. As best as is known, early farming communities continued to experience an intimate spiritual connection to the land, and they often held land in common under the control of a village council. This pattern has remained in many peasant communities throughout the world.

It was not so much farming directly, but the larger-than- tribal societies that could be based on farming that led to major changes in attitudes towards the land. Many of the first civilizations were centered around a supposedly godlike king, and it was a natural extension to go from the tribal idea that “the land belongs to the gods” to the idea that all of the kingdom belongs to the god-king. Since the god-king was supposed to personify the whole community, this was still a form of community ownership, but now personalized. Privileges of use and control of various types were distributed to the ruling elite on the basis of custom and politics.

As time went on, land took on a new meaning for these ruling elites. It became an abstraction, a source of power and wealth, a tool for other purposes. The name of the game became conquer, hold, and extract the maximum in tribute. Just as The Parable Of The Tribes (see IN CONTEXT, #7) would suggest, the human-human struggle for power gradually came to be the dominant factor shaping the human relationship to the land. This shift from seeing the land as a sacred mother to merely a commodity required deep changes throughout these cultures such as moving the gods and sacred beings into the sky where they could conveniently be as mobile as the ever changing boundaries of these empires.

The idea of private land ownership developed as a second step – partly in reaction to the power of the sovereign and partly in response to the opportunities of a larger-than- village economy. In the god-king societies, the privileges of the nobility were often easily withdrawn at the whim of the sovereign, and the importance of politics and raw power as the basis of ownership was rarely forgotten. To guard their power, the nobility frequently pushed for greater legal/customary recognition of their land rights. In the less centralized societies and in the occasional democracies and republics of this period, private ownership also developed in response to the breakdown of village cohesiveness. In either case, private property permitted the individual to be a “little king” of his/her own lands, imitating and competing against the claims of the state.

Later Developments By the early days of Greece and Rome, community common land, state or sovereign land, and private land all had strong traditions behind them. Plato and Aristotle both discussed various mixtures of private and state ownership in ideal societies, with Aristotle upholding the value of private ownership as a means of protecting diversity. As history progressed, the “great ownership debate” has continued between the champions of private interests and the champions of the state, with the idea of community common land often praised as an ideal, but in practice being gradually squeezed out of the picture. Feudal Europe was basically a system of sovereign ownership. The rise of commerce and then industrialism shifted power to the private ownership interests of the new middle class (as in the United States). The reaction against the abuses of industrialism during the past 150 years swung some opinion back again, bringing renewed interest in state ownership (as in the Communist countries).

As important as these swings have been historically, they have added essentially nothing to our basic understanding of, or attitudes about, ownership. Throughout the whole history of civilization land has been seen as primarily a source of power, and the whole debate around ownership has been, “To what extent will the state allow the individual to build a personal power base through land ownership rights?”

TAKING A FRESH LOOK

But the human-human power struggle is hardly the only, or even the most important, issue in our relationship to the land. Whatever happened to the tribal concerns about caring for the land and preserving it for future generations? What about issues like justice, human empowerment and economic efficiency? How about the rights of the land itself? If we are to move forward towards a planetary/ecological age, all of these questions and issues are going to need to be integrated into our relationship to the land. To do this we will have to get out beyond the narrow circle of the ideas and arguments of the past.

We have been talking about “ownership” as if it was an obvious, clear-cut concept: either you own (control) something or you don’t. For most people (throughout history) this has been a useful approximation, and it has been the basis of the “great ownership debate.” But if you try to pin it down (as lawyers must), you will soon discover that it is not so simple. As surprising as it may seem, our legal system has developed an understanding of “owning” that is significantly different from our common ideas and has great promise as the basis for a much more appropriate human relationship to the land.

Ownership Is A Bundle Of Rights The first step is to recognize that, rather than being one thing, what we commonly call “ownership” is in fact a whole group of legal rights that can be held by some person with respect to some “property.” In the industrial West, these usually include the right to:

use (or not use);
exclude others from using;
irreversibly change;
sell, give away or bequeath;
rent or lease;
retain all rights not specifically granted to others;
retain these rights without time limit or review.
These rights are usually not absolute, for with them go certain responsibilities, such as paying taxes, being liable for suits brought against the property, and abiding by the laws of the land. If these laws include zoning laws, building codes, and environmental protection laws, you may find that your rights to use and irreversibly change are not as unlimited as you thought. Nevertheless, within a wide range you are the monarch over your property.

No One Owns Land Each of these rights can be modified independent of the others, either by law or by the granting of an easement to some other party, producing a bewildering variety of legal conditions. How much can you modify the above conditions and still call it “ownership”? To understand the answer to this, we are going to have to make a very important distinction. In spite of the way we normally talk, no one ever “owns land”..In our legal system you can only own rights to land, you can’t directly own (that is, have complete claim to) the land itself. You can’t even own all the rights since the state always retains the right of eminent domain. For example, what happens when you sell an easement to the power company so that they can run power lines across you land? They then own the rights granted in that easement, you own most of the other rights, the state owns the right of eminent domain – but no single party owns “the land.” You can carry this as far as you like, dividing the rights up among many “owners,” all of whom will have a claim on some aspect of the land.

The wonderful thing about this distinction is that it shifts the whole debate about land ownership away from the rigid state-vs.-individual, all-or-nothing battle to the much more flexible question of who (including community groups, families, etc. as well as the state and the individual) should have which rights. This shift could be as important as the major improvement in governance that came with the shift from monolithic power (as in a monarchy) to “division of powers” (as exemplified in the U.S. Constitution with its semi-independent legislative, executive and judicial branches).

Legitimate Interests How might the problems associated with exclusive ownership (either private or state) be solved by a “division of rights” approach? To answer this, we need to first consider what are the legitimate interests that need to be included in this new approach. If we are to address all the concerns appropriate for a humane sustainable culture we need to recognize that the immediate user of the land (be that a household or a business), the local community, the planetary community, future generations, and all of life, all have legitimate interests. What are these interests?

The immediate users need the freedom to be personally (or corporately) expressive, creative, and perhaps even eccentric. They need to be able to invest energy and caring into the land with reasonable security that the use of the land will not be arbitrarily taken away and that the full equity value of improvements made to the land will be available to them either through continued use or through resale should they choose to move.
The local community needs optimal use of the land within it, without having land held arbitrarily out of use by absentee landlords. It needs to be able to benefit from the equity increases in the land itself due to the overall development of the community, and it needs security that its character will not be forced to change through inappropriate land use decisions made by those outside the community or those leaving the community.
The planetary community, future generations, and all of life need sustainable use – the assurance that ecosystems and topsoil that have been developed over hundreds of thousands of years will not be casually destroyed; that the opportunities for life will be enhanced; that non-renewal resources will be used efficiently and for long term beneficial purposes. This larger community also needs meaningful recognition that the earth is our common heritage.
Is it possible to blend these various interests in a mutually supportive way, rather than seeing them locked in a power struggle? The answer, fortunately, is yes. Perhaps the best developed alternative legal form that does this is called a land trust.

LAND TRUSTS

A land trust is a non-governmental organization (frequently a non-profit corporation) that divides land rights between immediate users and their community. It is being used in a number of places around the world including India, Israel, Tanzania, and the United States. Of the many types of land trusts, we will focus here on three – conservation trusts, community trusts, and stewardship trusts. These will be discussed in more detail in other articles in this section, but an initial overview now will help to draw together many of the threads we have developed so far.

In a conservation land trust, the purpose is generally to preserve some aspect of the natural environment. A conservation trust may do this by the full ownership of some piece of land that it then holds as wilderness, or it may simply own “development rights” to an undeveloped piece. What are development rights? When the original owner sells or grants development rights to the conservation trust, they put an easement (a legal restriction) on the land that prevents them or any future owners from developing the land without the agreement of the conservation trust. They have let go of the right to “irreversibly change” listed above. The conservation trust then holds these rights with the intention of preventing development. The Trust For Public Land (82 Second St, San Francisco, CA 94105, 415/495-4015) helps community groups establish conservation and agricultural land trusts.

A community land trust (CLT) has as its purpose removing land from the speculative market and making it available to those who will use it for the long term benefit of the community. A CLT generally owns full title to its lands and grants long term (like 99-year) renewable leases to those who will actually use the land. Appropriate uses for the land are determined by the CLT in a process comparable to public planning or zoning. Lease fees vary from one CLT to another, but they are generally more than taxes and insurance, less than typical mortgage payments, and less than full rental cost. The lease holders have many of the use and security rights we normally associate with ownership. They own the buildings on the land and can take full benefit from improvements they make to the land. They can not, however, sell the land nor can they usually rent or lease it without the consent of the trust. The Institute For Community Economics (57 School St. Springfield, MA 01105, 413/746-8660) is one of the major support groups for the creation of community land trusts in both urban and rural settings.

The stewardship trust combines features of both the conservation trust and the CLT, and is being used now primarily by intentional communities and non-profit groups such as schools. The groups using the land (the stewards) generally pay less than in a normal CLT, but there are more definite expectations about the care and use they give to the land.

In each one of these types, the immediate users (nonhuman as well as human) have clear rights which satisfy all of their legitimate use needs. The needs of the local community are met through representation on the board of directors of the trust which can enforce general land use standards. The larger community usually has some representation on the trust’s board as well. Thus by dividing what we normally think of as ownership into “stewardship” (the users) and “trusteeship” (the trust organization), land trusts are pioneering an approach that better meets all the legitimate interests.

The system is, of course, still limited by the integrity and the attitudes of the people involved. Nor are current land trusts necessarily the model for “ownership” in a humane sustainable culture. But they show what can be done and give us a place to build from. I’ll explore more of where we might build to in a later article, but now lets turn to other perspectives and experiences with going beyond ownership.

Bibliography

Chaudhuri, Joyotpaul, Possession, Ownership And Access: A Jeffersonian View (Political Inquiry, Vol 1, No 1, Fall 1973).

Denman, D.R., The Place Of Property (London: Geographical Publications Ltd, 1978).

Institute For Community Economics, The Community Land Trust Handbook (Emmaus, PA: Rodale Press, 1982).

International Independence Institute, The Community Land Trust (Cambridge, MA: Center For Community Economic Development, 1972).

Macpherson, C.B., Property: Mainstream And Critical Positions (Toronto: Univ Of Toronto Press, 1978).

Schlatter, Richard, Private Property: The History Of An Idea (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1951).

Scott, William B., In Pursuit Of Happiness: American Conceptions Of Property (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977).

Tully, James, A Discourse On Property: John Locke And His Adversaries (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ Press, 1980).

Land Rights

by John Talbot

IT WAS NOT so long ago in human history that the rights of all humans were not acknowledged, even in the democracies. Slavery was only abolished a few generations ago. In the same way that we have come to see human rights as being inherent, so we are now beginning to recognize land rights, and by land I mean all life that lives and takes its nourishment from it, as well as the soil and earth itself. Once we have understood and accepted that idea, we can truly enter into a cooperative relationship with Nature. I’m not talking about living in fear of disturbing anything or a totally “hands off nature” angry ecologist view, but simply acknowledging the right to be of land and nature, and that when we do “disturb” it we do so with sensitivity and respect, doing our best to be in harmony with what is already there.

Being in harmony, apart from being a very subjective state, may not always be possible: for example in the case of putting a house down where once there wasn’t one. But we as humans have needs too. Nature knows that and is, I believe, quite willing to accommodate us. Our responsibility is, however, to act consciously and with the attitude of respect and desire for cooperation. It is no different from respecting other people’s rights in our interactions, being courteous and sensitive to their needs and feelings. This attitude toward the land is almost universally held by aboriginal and native peoples, from the Bushman to the Native American Indians to the tribes of the South Pacific. Earth Etiquette, you might say.

Following directly from that is the principle that you cannot really buy, sell or own the land. Just as we cannot (or should not) own slaves of our own species, we would not make slaves of animals, plants or the land and nature in general. Sounds easy but I feel this represents a very profound and fundamental change in human attitudes; one that takes thought, effort and time to reprogram in ourselves.
NYT
EDWARD CRANKSHAW IS DEAD AT 75; AUTHOR ON SOVIET AND HAPSBURGS
ID: 198412041025
EDWARD CRANKSHAW IS DEAD AT 75
By WOLFGANG SAXON
Published: December 4, 1984

Edward Crankshaw, one of the most respected authors on the Soviet Union and chronicler of the Hapsburgs, died last Thursday in his native Britain after what was described as a ''long and painful illness.'' He was 75 years old and lived in Hawkhurst, in rural Kent.

His death was reported Sunday in The Observer, the British weekly for which he kept watch on the Soviet scene starting in 1947. Mr. Crankshaw, who spurned the label of ''Kremlinologist,'' was regarded as Britain's premier journalistic expert on Soviet politics.

The author of about 20 books, including three novels, Mr. Crankshaw contribued a steady flow of prefaces, essays and articles to publications in Britain and the United States, including The New York Times. In addition, he commented on Soviet affairs for the BBC.

Difficult to place politically, Mr. Crankshaw reluctantly became a Soviet specialist when The Observer asked him to take the assignment after World War II, part of which he had spent in Moscow. One of the conclusions he had reached was that Kremlin policies must be seen as something that did not start with the Bolshevik takeover in 1917, but had ancient roots. He Avoided Speculation

Thus, Mr. Crankshaw avoided speculations about absences from the Kremlin wall at anniversary parades. Instead, his basic impressions had been formed when the Russians were fighting for survival, and he took heart from Stalin's evocations of historical ''Holy Russia.''

His political testament came in a preface written this year to a selection from his writings, ''Putting Up With the Russians.''

As a conservative dedicated to the survival of European civilization, he rejected the harsh tones adopted by President Reagan and his supporters, accusing them of trying to turn the Soviet Union into a pariah. Mr. Crankshaw viewed detente with some skepticism, but he insisted on the need for co- existence.

He was the author of ''Russia Without Stalin'' in 1956, regarding the changes in everyday life in the post- Stalin era. He also wrote ''Khrushchev's Russia'' (1960) and ''Khrushchev: A Career,'' published six years later.

He then wrote the introduction for ''Khrushchev Remembers,'' a rich compilation of comments, speeches, conversations and interviews by Nikita I. Khruschev, the Kremlin leader who denounced the Stalinist terror. 'Khrushchev Himself'

Mr. Crankshaw, who also contributed copious footnotes and commentary to the Khrushchev book, helped defend the book against doubters. He said that by ''style and content'' the words were ''Khrushchev himself, quite unmistakably speaking.'' His faith in the book's authenticity has come to be shared by most others since its publication in 1970.

Though ailing for many years, Mr. Crankshaw, a slight and courtly man, continued to write even in bed whenever he was unable to move about.

His last volume published in this country was ''Bismarck'' in 1982. Writing in The New York Times Book Review, George L. Mosse called the book ''a cautionary tale about political and military power'' that sees Bismarck's ''apparent success as a failure because the Iron Chancellor exalted the amoral concept of politics into a principle.''

Edward Crankshaw was born on Jan. 3, 1909, in rural Essex. As a boy, he often visited the London magistrate's court where his father, Arthur, worked as chief clerk. He attended Bishop's Stortford College but left early - hence his claim to having been largely self- taught.

Instead, Mr. Crankshaw went to the Continent to travel, and he lived in Vienna, becoming fluent in German. His Austrian years turned out to be formative ones for his mind as he watched democracy crumble in the new Austrian republic. They also instilled him with a passion for literature and music.

From Europe, he wrote for British publications subjects ranging from twelve-tone music to books, art and the theater. But he gave up journalism to write ''Joseph Conrad: Some Aspects of the Art of the Novel,'' a study of Conrad's methods and the novelist's art in general. Another book, ''Vienna: The Image of a Culture in Decline,'' appeared in 1938. Posted to Moscow in '41

In 1936, Mr. Crankshaw was commissioned into Britain's Territorial Army. In 1941, he was posted to Moscow as an intelligence officer, and he did all he could to understand the Russians, their history, national character and government.

Having also traveled on the periphery of the Soviet Union, he was asked by The Observer to return to journalism as its Russian expert. His early books on the subject were ''Britain and Russia'' (1945), ''Russia and the Russians'' (1947) and ''Russia by Daylight'' (1951).

A well-received history was The Shadow of the Winter Palace: The Drift to Revolution, 1825-1917 which appeared in 1976. Other well-received books were ''The Fall of the House of Hapsburg'' (1963) and ''The Hapsburgs'' (1971).

Of Mr. Crankshaw's ''Maria Theresa'' (1969), Thomas Lask wrote in his review in The New York Times, ''Mr. Crankshaw has managed in what is a model of compression and judicious selection to rescue Maria Theresa from the history books and to turn a monument into a warm and appealing woman.''

Mr. Crankshaw is survived by his wife, the former Clare Chesterton Carr.
LT
16 maart 1978: Rode Brigades ontvoeren Aldo Moro (KAT)
ID: 197803164452
Aldo Moro





by

Michelle Wehling





Aldo Moro was an influential figure in Italy both in his life and in his death. He was a law professor, an Italian Statesman, and leader of the Christian Democratic Party who served as premier of Italy five times. In the following pages I will take a brief look at the life and the death of Aldo Moro.



Aldo Moro was born September 23, 1916, in Maglie in the southeastern region of Puglia and was active in Italian politics until his death May 9, 1978. He graduated from the University of Bari in 1940 and after graduating he also taught there. As a professor of law at Bari he published several books dealing with legal issues and served as the president of the Federation of Italian University Catholics and the Movement of Catholic Graduates.



After World war II Aldo Moro was elected to the Constituent Assembly in 1946 and helped draft Italy's new constitution. He was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1948 and was head of the Christian Democrats in the chamber between 1953-1955. After the collapse of the fascist regime in 1943 he helped organize the Christian Democratic Party in Puglia. He then held several cabinet posts including under secretary of foreign affairs, minister of justice, and minister of public instruction.



He took the position of secretary of the Christian Democrats in 1959 at the time when a crisis threatened to split the party. As leader of the party he favored a coalition with the Socialists and helped bring about the resignation of conservative Christian Democrat prime minister Fernando Tambroni in July, 1960.



In 1963 he was invited to form his own government and he assembled a cabinet including some socialists. He resigned after being defeated on a budget issue on June 26, 1964, but on July 22, 1964 he formed a new cabinet much like the old one and after Amoitore Fanfani's resignation in 1965 moro temporarily became his own prime minister and renewed his pledge to Nato and the United Nations.



Italy's years of inflation and failing industrial growth prevented Moro from initiating many of the reforms he envisioned which angered the Socialists who effected his defeat in January 1966. In February he formed a new government and after the general elections in 1968 he resigned as was customary.



He became foreign minister from 1970-1972. In November of 1974 he became premier with a coalition government, but the government fell on January 7, 1976. Moro was again premier from February12 through April 30 and remained in office as head of a caretaker government until July 9, 1976.



In October 1976 he became president of the Christian Democrats and remained a powerful influence even though he held no public office. Although Moro was opposed to a formal role for the Communists in the government he was instrumental in bringing about the arrangement in 1976 by which Communists were given an unofficial voice in government and important parliamentary posts in return for agreeing not to vote against the Christian Democratic party in Parliament. Later he was instrumental in overcoming the Christian Democratic resistance to continued cooperation with the Communists.



Moro was generally regarded as the next president of Italy, however, on March 16, 1978, Aldo Moro was kidnapped in Rome by Red Brigades terrorists while on his way to a special session of Parliament. After officials repeatedly refused to release thirteen members of the Red Brigades on trial in Turin, Moro was murdered in or near Rome on May 9, 1978.



As influential as Aldo Moro was in his lifetime , his death and the cover up that followed has also been influential. At this point I would like to take a look at what has come to be known as the Moro Affair. I will begin with a chronology of the fifty four days from his kidnapping to his execution. March 16, 1978, Aldo Moro president of the Christian Democratic Party, the ruling party in Italy, is kidnapped in Rome and his five bodyguards are murdered. The Red Brigades then announce that Moro is in their hands. Parliament empowers Giulio Andreotti backed by a new majority, a five party coalition, which includes the Communists for the first time in Italian history. The communists immediately adopt an intransigent position against the communist Red Brigades and prevent negotiations. March 17, Andreotti meets with the party chiefs of the new majority and they agree on stern measures against political terrorism. March 18, the Red Brigades issue their first message that Moro is being held prisoner and is to be tried as a political prisoner and they release a photo of him. March 19, One of the cars used for the kidnapping is found. March 20, the states trial of Red Brigades chief Renato Curcio, and fourteen others resumes in Turin after a series of delays imposed by the terrorist actions. March 21, the Andreotti government increases police power extending the most massive manhunt throughout Italy . The press, which has been urged by the government to use caution, debates the wisdom of self censorship. The U.S. house of representatives unanimously votes to support the Andreotti government. March 24 , in Turin the Red Brigades attack Giovanni Picco, a Christian Democrat and former mayor of Turin. March 25, the second message is sent from the terrorists stating that his interrogation is under way by a people's tribunal and a list of the charges against Moro is included. March 29, three confidential letters written by Moro are delivered by the Red Brigades in an attempt to set up a two way secret hot line. The Red Brigades make public, along with the message three, the letter Moro wrote to Interior Minister Cossiga in which Moro spoke of a prisoner exchange to be made by the Vatican. March 30, Andreotti assumes a no negotiation stance and the press portray Moro as a man under tortured mind altering drugs. March 31, the Vatican announces its availability as a mediator but backs down when this creates difficulties.



April 1, It is rumored that Nicola Rana, Moro's secretary, has received a letter. The next day his family is also said to have received a letter. April 2, Pope Paul VI appealing publicly for Moro's life begins to develop a position independent of and in contrast to that of the Vatican. April 3, the police carry out house to house searches and arrests among members of the extreme left, but within forty eight hours nearly all are released. April 4, message four is delivered with a letter from Moro to the Christian Democratic party citing evidence that Moro's position on prisoner exchanges predates his capture and cannot be considered as forced on him by the Red Brigades.



April 5, Il Giorno publishes a letter from Elenora Moro to the editor in the hope that the Red Brigades would show it to her husband. April 6, Moro writes a letter to his family asking for a situation report. April 7, the family replies by writing another letter in the Il Giorno.



April 8, Moro writes back outlining his war plans. The message is intercepted by the police, but is kept secret both by the family and government. April 10, message five arrives containing a handwritten note from Moro attacking his ex-interior minister. April 11, the Red Brigades assassinate a Turin prison guard branded as torturer. April 12, it is said that Cossiga, Rana and family have received more letters. April 14, Jimmy Carter sends Andreotti personal letter with full backing. April 15, message six proclaims Moro's guilt and the people's tribunal sentences him to death. April 17, the U.S. State Department reaffirms complete support of Rome's stance. Amnesty International appeals to Red Brigades seeking to discuss Moro's release. April 18, unathenticated message seven announces Moro's execution. April 19, the family disregards message seven in petition to open negotiations signed by internationally renowned personalities and church figures. April 20, the Red Brigades assassinate the head of the Milan prison guards. Verified message seven released with photo of Moro reading of his death. The Christian Democrats are given a forty eight hour ultimatum to indicate willingness to negotiate prisoner exchange. April 21, Moro writes a letter urging the party to break their hard line stance. April 22, the ultimatum expires at 3 p.m..



April 24, message eight containing a list of thirteen communist prisoners in exchange for Moro. April 25, Secretary General Waldheim goes over the heads of the Italian Government and speaks to the Red Brigades by satellite television. April 26, Christian Democratic Rome leader is kneecapped. Il Giorno publishes letter from family assuring Moro of support. April 27, FIAT executive kneecapped by Red Brigades. April 28, Andreotti reaffirms hard line stance. April 29, Moro writes several letters to key persons in power in a final attempt to bring about a grass roots revolution of his party. April 30, the family breaks with Christian Democratic leadership charging them with obstructing initiatives to release Moro.



May 1, the Socialists meet with Red Brigades convinced that their plan for one on one exchange will provide for Moro's release. May 2, the Socialists meet with the Christian Democrats to gain support. May 3, Andreotti repudiates the one for one proposal. May 5, message nine arrives announcing the executing sentence along with a letter to Moro's wife. April 6, the family joins the Socialists to bring all pressure to bear on the Chief of State. May 7, Fanfani is forced to speak out publicly hoping to signal Red Brigades that new moves are on the way. May 8 , Fanfani himself attempts to signal but holds back his main thrust for private talks with Andreotti the next morning. The family is reassured by Leone that he will sign pardon, but he buckles under Andreotti. May 9, while Fanfani argues the case against a hard line stance, news arrives that Moro has been found dead in a car in a street midway between the headquarters of the Christian Democrats and t
Land: ITA
YOUNG Crawford
Politics in the Congo: Decolonization and Independence
ID: 196506304455
Released:
Contents: Behemoth: A Brief Portrait; Decolonization: The Belgian Vision; Paternalism; Desegregating Colonial Society; From the Ground Up: The Communes; Disintegration of the System; A Structure for Independence; Elites: Chiefs, Clerks & Traders; The Mass: Workers & Peasants; The Politics of Ethnicity; The Rise of Nationalism: From Primary Resistance to Political Parties; A Profile of Independence: 1960-1963; The Political Sector: Parliament, Parties & Politicians; The Administration & Judiciary: Resurgent Bureaucracy; The Politics of Force: Army & Police; Federalism: The Quest for a Constitution; Fragmentation: The New Provinces; Conclusions; Epilogue: Appendix: Note on Methodological Assumptions.
Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1965. orig.cloth. 21x13cm, xii,659 pp,
Land: COD
wiki
18-24 april 1955: Bandung Conference
ID: 195504180861
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The venue in 1955

The building in 2007; now it is a museum of the conference
The first large-scale Asian–African or Afro–Asian Conference—also known as the Bandung Conference (Indonesian: Konferensi Asia-Afrika)—was a meeting of Asian and African states, most of which were newly independent, which took place on 18-24 April 1955 in Bandung, Indonesia. The twenty-nine countries that participated at the Bandung Conference represented nearly one-quarter of the Earth's land surface and a total population of 1.5 billion people, roughly 54% of the Earth's population at the time.[1][2] The conference was organised by Indonesia, Burma (Myanmar), Pakistan, Ceylon (Sri Lanka), and India and was coordinated by Ruslan Abdulgani, secretary general of the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The conference's stated aims were to promote Afro-Asian economic and cultural cooperation and to oppose colonialism or neocolonialism by any nation. The conference was an important step toward the Non-Aligned Movement.

In 2005, on the 50th anniversary of the original conference, leaders from Asian and African countries met in Jakarta and Bandung to launch the New Asian-African Strategic Partnership (NAASP). They pledged to promote political, economic, and cultural cooperation between the two continents.


Contents
1 Background
2 Discussion
3 Participants
4 Declaration
5 United States involvement
6 Outcome and legacy
6.1 Asian-African Summit of 2005
6.2 Other anniversaries
7 See also
8 References
8.1 Bibliography
9 Further reading
10 External links
Background
The conference of Bandung was preceded by the Bogor Conference (1949). The Bogor Conference was the seed for the Colombo Plan and Bandung Conference. The 2nd Bogor Conference was held 28-29 December 1954.[3]

The Bandung Conference reflected what the organisers regarded as a reluctance by the Western powers to consult with them on decisions affecting Asia in a setting of Cold War tensions; their concern over tension between the People's Republic of China and the United States; their desire to lay firmer foundations for China's peace relations with themselves and the West; their opposition to colonialism, especially French influence in North Africa and its colonial rule in Algeria; and Indonesia's desire to promote its case in the dispute with the Netherlands over western New Guinea (Irian Barat).

Sukarno, the first president of the Republic of Indonesia, portrayed himself as the leader of this group of states, which he later described as "NEFOS" (Newly Emerging Forces).[4] His daughter, Megawati Sukarnoputri headed the PDI-P party during both summit anniversaries, and the President of Indonesia Joko Widodo during the 3rd summit was a member of her party.

On 4 December 1954 the United Nations announced that Indonesia had successfully gotten the issue of West New Guinea placed on the agenda of the 1955 General Assembly,[5] plans for the Bandung conference were announced in December 1954.[6]

Discussion

Plenary hall of the conference building
Major debate centered around the question of whether Soviet policies in Eastern Europe and Central Asia should be censured along with Western colonialism. A memo was submitted by 'The Moslem Nations under Soviet Imperialism', accusing the Soviet authorities of massacres and mass deportations in Muslim regions, but it was never debated.[7] A consensus was reached in which "colonialism in all of its manifestations" was condemned, implicitly censuring the Soviet Union, as well as the West.[8] China played an important role in the conference and strengthened its relations with other Asian nations. Having survived an assassination attempt on the way to the conference, the Chinese premier, Zhou Enlai, displayed a moderate and conciliatory attitude that tended to quiet fears of some anticommunist delegates concerning China's intentions.

Later in the conference, Zhou Enlai signed on to the article in the concluding declaration stating that overseas Chinese owed primary loyalty to their home nation, rather than to China – a highly sensitive issue for both his Indonesian hosts and for several other participating countries. Zhou also signed an agreement on dual nationality with Indonesian foreign minister Sunario.

Participants

Countries represented in the Asia-Africa Conference in Bandung, Indonesia in 1955. Twenty-nine independent countries were present, representing over half the world's population. Vietnam is represented twice by both North Vietnam and the State of Vietnam, which became South Vietnam.

Member states of the Non-Aligned Movement (2012). Light blue states have observer status.
Afghanistan Kingdom of Afghanistan
Burma
Cambodia Kingdom of Cambodia
Dominion of Ceylon
People's Republic of China
Cyprus1
Egypt Republic of Egypt
Ethiopian Empire
Gold Coast
India
Indonesia
Iran Iran
Kingdom of Iraq
Japan
Jordan
Laos Kingdom of Laos
Lebanon
Liberia
Libya Kingdom of Libya
Nepal Kingdom of Nepal
Dominion of Pakistan
Philippines
Saudi Arabia
Syria Syrian Republic
Sudan Republic of the Sudan
Thailand
Turkey
South Vietnam State of Vietnam
Democratic Republic of Vietnam
Yemen Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen
1 A pre-independent colonial Cyprus was represented by [the] eventual first president, Makarios III.[9]

Some nations were given "observer status". Such was the case of Brazil, who sent Ambassador Bezerra de Menezes.

Declaration
A 10-point "declaration on promotion of world peace and cooperation," incorporating the principles of the United Nations Charter was adopted unanimously:

Respect for fundamental human rights and for the purposes and principles of the charter of the United Nations
Respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations
Recognition of the equality of all races and of the equality of all nations large and small
Abstention from intervention or interference in the internal affairs of another country
Respect for the right of each nation to defend itself, singly or collectively, in conformity with the charter of the United Nations
(a) Abstention from the use of arrangements of collective defence to serve any particular interests of the big powers
(b) Abstention by any country from exerting pressures on other countries
Refraining from acts or threats of aggression or the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any country
Settlement of all international disputes by peaceful means, such as negotiation, conciliation, arbitration or judicial settlement as well as other peaceful means of the parties own choice, in conformity with the charter of the United Nations
Promotion of mutual interests and cooperation
Respect for justice and international obligations.[10]
The final Communique of the Conference underscored the need for developing countries to loosen their economic dependence on the leading industrialised nations by providing technical assistance to one another through the exchange of experts and technical assistance for developmental projects, as well as the exchange of technological know-how and the establishment of regional training and research institutes.

United States involvement
For the US, the Conference accentuated a central dilemma of its Cold War policy: by currying favor with Third World nations by claiming opposition to colonialism, it risked alienating its colonialist European allies.[11] The US security establishment also feared that the Conference would expand China's regional power.[12] In January 1955 the US formed a "Working Group on the Afro-Asian Conference" which included the Operations Coordinating Board (OCB), the Office of Intelligence Research (OIR), the Department of State, the Department of Defense, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the United States Information Agency (USIA).[13] The OIR and USIA followed a course of "Image Management" for the US, using overt and covert propaganda to portray the US as friendly and to warn participants of the Communist menace.[14]

The United States, at the urging of Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, shunned the conference and was not officially represented. However, the administration issued a series of statements during the lead-up to the Conference. These suggested that the US would provide economic aid, and attempted to reframe the issue of colonialism as a threat by China and the Eastern Bloc.[15]

Representative Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. (D-N.Y.) attended the conference, sponsored by Ebony and Jet magazines instead of the U.S. government.[15] Powell spoke at some length in favor of American foreign policy there which assisted the United States's standing with the Non-Aligned. When Powell returned to the United States, he urged President Dwight D. Eisenhower and Congress to oppose colonialism and pay attention to the priorities of emerging Third World nations.[16]

African American author Richard Wright attended the conference with funding from the Congress for Cultural Freedom. Wright spent about three weeks in Indonesia, devoting a week to attending the conference and the rest of his time to interacting with Indonesian artists and intellectuals in preparation to write several articles and a book on his trip to Indonesia and attendance at the conference. Wright's essays on the trip appeared in several Congress for Cultural Freedom magazines, and his book on the trip was published as The Color Curtain: A Report on the Bandung Conference. Several of the artists and intellectuals with whom Wright interacted (including Mochtar Lubis, Asrul Sani, Sitor Situmorang, and Beb Vuyk) continued discussing Wright's visit after he left Indonesia.[17][18]

Outcome and legacy
The conference was followed by the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Conference in Cairo[19] in September (1957) and the Belgrade Conference (1961), which led to the establishment of the Non-Aligned Movement.[20] In later years, conflicts between the nonaligned nations eroded the solidarity expressed at Bandung.

Asian-African Summit of 2005
To mark the 50th anniversary of The Summit, Heads of State and Government of Asian-African countries attended a new Asian-African Summit from 20–24 April 2005 in Bandung and Jakarta. Some sessions of the new conference took place in Gedung Merdeka (Independence Building), the venue of the original conference. Of the 106 nations invited to the historic summit, 89 were represented by their heads of state or government or ministers.[3] The Summit was attended by 54 Asian and 52 African countries.

The 2005 Asian African Summit yielded, inter-alia, the Declaration of the New Asian–African Strategic Partnership (NAASP),[21] the Joint Ministerial Statement on the NAASP Plan of Action, and the Joint Asian African Leaders’ Statement on Tsunami, Earthquake and other Natural Disasters. The conclusion of aforementioned declaration of NAASP is the Nawasila (nine principles) supporting political, economic, and socio-cultural cooperation.

The Summit concluded a follow-up mechanism for institutionalization process in the form of Summit concurrent with Business Summit every four years, Ministerial Meeting every two years, and Sectoral Ministerial as well as Technical Meeting if deemed necessary.

Other anniversaries
On the 60th anniversary of the Asian-African Conference and the 10th anniversary of the NAASP, a 3rd summit was held in Bandung and Jakarta from 21–25 April 2015, with the theme Strengthening South-South Cooperation to Promote World Peace and Prosperity. Delegates from 109 Asian and African countries, 16 observer countries and 25 international organizations participated.[3]

See also
Asian–African Legal Consultative Organization
Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence
Sino-Indonesian Dual Nationality Treaty
Third World
References
geographer, Matt Rosenberg Matt Rosenberg is a professional; book, writer with over 20 years of experience He is the author of both a geography reference; contests, a guide to winning National Geography Bee. "Current World Population and Future Projections". ThoughtCo. Retrieved 10 February 2019.
Bandung Conference of 1955 and the resurgence of Asia and Africa Archived 13 May 2012 at the Wayback Machine, Daily News, Sri Lanka
"Asian-African Conference timeline". The Jakarta Post. Retrieved 8 September 2017.
Cowie, H.R. (1993). Australia and Asia. A changing Relationship, 18.
United Nations General Assembly, Report of the First Committee A/2831
Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), p. 156.
Schindler, Colin (2012). Israel and the European Left. New York: Continuum. p. 205. ISBN 978-1441150134.
"Bandung Conference - Asia-Africa [1955]". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 10 February 2019.
Cyprus and the Non–Aligned Movement Archived 2016-03-03 at the Wayback Machine, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, (April, 2008)
Jayaprakash, N D (June 5, 2005). "India and the Bandung Conference of 1955 – II". People's Democracy – Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist). XXIX (23). Archived from the original on 11 March 2007. Retrieved 2007-02-07.
Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), p. 154. "... Bandung presented Washington with a geopolitical quandary. Holding the Cold War line against communism depended on the crumbling European empires. Yet U.S. support for that ancien régime was sure to earn the resentment of Third World nationalists fighting against colonial rule. The Eastern Bloc, facing no such guilt by association, thus did not face the choice Bandung presented to the United States: side with the rising Third World tide, or side with the shaky imperial structures damming it in."
Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), p. 155.
Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), pp. 157–158.
Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), p. 161. "An OCB memorandum of March 28 [...] recounts the efforts by OIR and the working group to distribute intelligence 'on Communist intentions, and [on] suggestions for countering Communist designs.' These were sent to U.S. posts overseas, with instructions to confer with invitee governments, and to brief friendly attendees. Among the latter, 'efforts will be made to exploit [the Bangkok message] through the Thai, Pakistani, and Philippine delegations.' Posts in Japan and Turkey would seek to do likewise. On the media front, the administration briefed members of the American press; '[this] appear[s] to have been instrumental in setting the public tone.' Arrangements had also been made for USIA coverage. In addition, the document refers to budding Anglo-American collaboration in the 'Image Management' effort surrounding Bandung."
Parker, "Small Victory, Missed Chance" (2006), p. 162.
"Adam Clayton Powell Jr". United States House of Representatives. Retrieved February 1, 2015.
Roberts, Brian Russell (2013). Artistic Ambassadors: Literary and International Representation of the New Negro Era. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press. pp. 146–172. ISBN 0813933684.
Roberts, Brian Russell; Foulcher, Keith (2016). Indonesian Notebook: A Sourcebook on Richard Wright and the Bandung Conference. Durham: Duke University Press. ISBN 0822360667.
Mancall, Mark. 1984. China at the Center. p. 427
Nazli Choucri, "The Nonalignment of Afro-Asian States: Policy, Perception, and Behaviour", Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue canadienne de science politique, Vol. 2, No. 1.(Mar., 1969), pp. 1-17.
"Seniors official meeting" (PDF). MFA of Indonesia. Retrieved 2012-10-01.
Bibliography
Parker, Jason C. "Small Victory, Missed Chance: The Eisenhower Administration, the Bandung Conference, and the Turning of the Cold War." In The Eisenhower Administration, the Third World, and the Globalization of the Cold War. Ed. Kathryn C. Statler & Andrew L. Johns. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006. ISBN 0742553817
Further reading
Asia-Africa Speaks From Bandung. Jakarta: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Indonesia, 1955.
Ampiah, Kweku. The Political and Moral Imperatives of the Bandung Conference of 1955 : the Reactions of the US, UK and Japan. Folkestone, UK : Global Oriental, 2007. ISBN 1-905246-40-4
Brown, Colin. 2012. "The Bandung Conference and Indonesian Foreign Policy", Ch 9 in Anne Booth, Chris Manning and Thee Kian Wie, 2012, Essays in Honour of Joan Hardjono, Jakarta: Yayasan Pustaka Obor Indonesia.
Dinkel, Jürgen, The Non-Aligned Movement. Genesis, Organization and Politics (1927-1992), New Perspectives on the Cold War 5, Brill: Leiden/Boston 2019. ISBN:978-90-04-33613-1
Kahin, George McTurnan. The Asian-African Conference: Bandung, Indonesia, April 1955. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1956.
Lee, Christopher J., ed, Making a World After Empire: The Bandung Moment and Its Political Afterlives. Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2010. ISBN 978-0896802773
Mackie, Jamie. Bandung 1955: Non-Alignment and Afro-Asian Solidarity. Singapore: Editions Didier Millet, 2005. ISBN 981-4155-49-7
Finnane, Antonia, and Derek McDougall, eds, Bandung 1955: Little Histories. Melbourne: Monash Asia Institute, 2010. ISBN 978-1-876924-73-7
External links
Modern History Sourcebook: Prime Minister Nehru: Speech to Asian-African Conference Political Committee, 1955
Modern History Sourcebook: President Sukarno of Indonesia: Speech at the Opening of the Asian-African Conference, 18 April 1955
"Asian-African Conference: Communiqué; Excerpts" (PDF). Egyptian presidency website. 24 April 1955. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2011-04-23. Retrieved 23 April 2011.
Land: IDN
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14 juni 1900: Hawaii wordt Amerikaans territorium
ID: 190006149999
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Truman (1884-1972)
ID: 188400008971
He entered politics as county judge and in 1935 became US Senator. He became Vice-President in 1944, succeeding as President after the death of Roosevelt in 1945. He ordered the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki; enunciated the Truman Doctrine (1948) on the 'containment' of the Soviet Union; inaugurated the Marshall Plan for the economic recovery of Western Europe; and supported the formation of NATO. In 1950 he ordered the US engagement in Korea. In the course of the war he dismissed General MacArthur because of the laters desire to extend the war into China.
Land: USA
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1881: grootgrondbezit landlords in vraag gesteld door Thomas Nulty, Bisschop van de Diocese of Meath: BACK TO THE LAND
ID: 188104028872
BACK TO THE LAND

by

Most Rev. Dr. Thomas Nulty

Bishop of Meath





BACK TO THE LAND

_________

DEDICATION.

BISHOP NULTY'S LETTER.



To the Clergy and Laity of the Diocese of Meath:



Dearly Beloved Brethren,—

I venture to take the liberty of dedicating the following Essay to you, as a mark of my respect and affection. In this Essay I do not, of course, address myself to you as your Bishop, for I have no divine commission to enlighten you on your civil rights, or to instruct you in the principles of Land Tenure or Political Economy. I feel, however, a deep concern even in your temporal interests—deeper, indeed, than in my own; for what temporal interests can I have save those I must always feel in your welfare? It is, then, because the Land Question is one not merely of vital importance, but one of life and death to you, as well as to the majority of my countrymen, that I have ventured to write on it at all.

With a due sense of my responsibility, I have examined this great question with all the care and consideration I had time to bestow on it. A subject so abstruse and so difficult could not, by any possibility, be made attractive and interesting. My only great regret, then, is that my numerous duties in nearly every part of the Diocese for the last month have not left me sufficient time to put my views before you with the perspicuity, the order and the persuasiveness that I should desire. However, even in the crude, unfinished form in which this Essay is now submitted to you, I hope it will prove of some use in assisting you to form a correct estimate of the real value and merit of Mr. Gladstone's coming Bill.

For my own part, I confess I am not very sanguine in my expectations of this Bill—at any rate, when it shall have passed the Lords. The hereditary legislators will, I fear, never surrender the monopoly in the land which they have usurped for centuries past; at least till it has become quite plain to them that they have lost the power of holding it any longer. It is, however, now quite manifest to all the world—except, perhaps, to themselves—that they hold that power no longer.

We, however, can afford calmly to wait. While we are, therefore, prepared to receive with gratitude any settlement of the question which will substantially secure to us our just rights, we will never be satisfied with less. Nothing short of a full and comprehensive measure of justice will ever satisfy the tenant farmers of Ireland, or put an end to the Land League agitation.

The people of Ireland are now keenly alive to the important fact that if they are loyal and true to themselves, and that they set their faces against every form of violence and crime, they have the power to compel the landlords to surrender all their just rights in their entirety.

If the tenant farmers refuse to pay more than a just rent for their farms, and no one takes a farm from which a tenant has been evicted for the non-payment of an unjust or exorbitant rent, then our cause is practically gained. The landlords may, no doubt, wreak their vengeance on a few, whom they may regard as the leaders of the movement; but the patriotism and generosity of their countrymen will compensate these abundantly for their losses, and superabundantly reward them for the essential and important services they have rendered to their country at the critical period of its history.

You know but too well, and perhaps to your cost, that there are bad landlords in Meath, and worse still in Westmeath, and perhaps also in the other Counties of this Diocese. We are, unfortunately, too familiar with all forms of extermination, from the eviction of a Parish Priest, who was willing to pay his rent, to the wholesale clearance of the honest, industrious people of an entire district. But we have, thank God, a few good landlords, too. Some of these, like the Earl of Fingal, belong to our own faith; some, like the late Lord Athlumny, are Protestants; and some among the very best are Tories of the highest type of conservatism.

You have always cherished feelings of the deepest gratitude and affection for every landlord, irrespective of his politics or his creed, who treated you with justice, consideration and kindness. I have always heartily commended you for these feelings.

For my own part, I can assure you, I entertain no unfriendly feelings for any landlord living, and in this Essay I write of them not as individuals, but as a class, and further, I freely admit that there are individual landlords who are highly honourable exceptions to the class to which they belong. But that I heartily dislike the existing system of Land Tenure, and the frightful extent to which it has been abused, by the vast majority of landlords, will be evident to anyone who reads this Essay through.

I remain, Dearly Beloved Brethren, respectfully yours,



THOMAS NULTY.

Mullingar, 2nd. April, 1881



het volledige essay vindt men op http://www.grundskyld.dk/2-Nulty.html (20060625)

BACK TO THE LAND

THE ESSAY



Our Land System Not justified by its General Acceptance.

Anyone who ventures to question the justice or the policy of maintaining the present system of Irish Land Tenure will be met at once by a pretty general feeling which will warn him emphatically that its venerable antiquity entitles it, if not to reverence and respect, at least to tenderness and forbearance.

I freely admit that feeling to be most natural and perhaps very general also; but I altogether deny its reasonableness. It proves too much. Any existing social institution is undoubtedly entitled to justice and fair play; but no institution, no matter what may have been its standing or its popularity, is entitled to exceptional tenderness and forbearance if it can be shown that it is intrinsically unjust and cruel. Worse institutions by far than any system of Land Tenure can and have had a long and prosperous career, till their true character became generally known and then they were suffered to exist no longer.

Human Slavery Once Generally Accepted.

Slavery is found to have existed, as a social institution, in almost all nations, civilised as well as barbarous, and in every age of the world, up almost to our own times. We hardly ever find it in the state of a merely passing phenomenon, or as a purely temporary result of conquest or of war, but always as a settled, established and recognised state of social existence, in which generation followed generation in unbroken succession, and in which thousands upon thousands of human beings lived and died. Hardly anyone had the public spirit to question its character or to denounce its excesses; it had no struggle to make for its existence, and the degradation in which it held its unhappy victims was universally regarded as nothing worse than a mere sentimental grievance.

On the other hand, the justice of the right of property which a master claimed in his slaves was universally accepted in the light of a first principle of morality. His slaves were either born on his estate, and he had to submit to the labour and the cost of rearing and maintaining them to manhood, or he acquired them by inheritance or by free gift, or, failing these, he acquired them by the right of purchase—having paid in exchange for them what, according to the usages of society and the common estimation of his countrymen, was regarded as their full pecuniary value. Property, therefore, in slaves was regarded as sacred, and as inviolable as any other species of property.

Even Christians Recognised Slavery.

So deeply rooted and so universally received was this conviction that the Christian religion itself, though it recognised no distinction between Jew and Gentile, between slave or freeman, cautiously abstained from denouncing slavery itself as an injustice or a wrong. It prudently tolerated this crying evil, because in the state of public feeling then existing, and at the low standard of enlightenment and intelligence then prevailing, it was simply impossible to remedy it.

Thus then had slavery come down almost to our own time as an established social institution, carrying with it the practical sanction and approval of ages and nations, and surrounded with a prestige of standing and general acceptance well calculated to recommend it to men's feelings and sympathies. And yet it was the embodiment of the most odious and cruel injustice that ever afflicted humanity. To claim a right of property in man was to lower a rational creature to the level of the beast of the field; it was a revolting and an unnatural degradation of the nobility of human nature itself.

That thousands upon thousands of human beings who had committed no crime, who had violated no law, and who had done no wrong to anyone, should be wantonly robbed of their liberty and freedom; should be deprived of the sacred and inalienable moral rights, which they could not voluntarily abdicate themselves; should be bought and sold, like cattle in the markets; and should be worked to death, or allowed to live on at the whim or caprice of their owner, was the last and most galling injustice which human nature could be called on to endure.

The World's Approval Cannot Justify injustice.

To arrest public attention, and fix its gaze effectively on the intrinsic character and constitution of slavery, was to seal its doom; and its death knell was sounded in the indignant cry of the great statesman who "denied that man could hold property in man." Twenty millions of British money were paid over to the slave owners as compensation for the loss of property to which they had no just title, and slavery was abolished forever.

The practical approval, therefore, which the world has bestowed on a social institution that has lasted for centuries is no proof that it ought to be allowed to live on longer, if, on close ex
Land: IRL
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bibliografie Ierse hongersnood
ID: 184500004578
Bibliography of the Great Famine (Ireland 1845)

The Great Irish Famine: Words and images from the Famine Museum, Strokestown Park, County Roscommon Stephen J. Campbell. 1994. Published by the Famine Museum, Strokestown, County Roscommon, Ireland. (fax: 011-353-078-33454)

The Great Famine: Studies in Irish History: 1845-53 ed D. Edwards & D. Williams, 1956.

The Great Hunger: Ireland 1845-1849 Cecil Woodham-Smith. 1962. Reprinted as Penguin ppbk 1991. Currently available in major book stores.

History of the Great Irish Famine of 1847 J. O'Rourke. 1874. Reprinted by Veritas 1989. 1st major book about Irish famine.

The Famine in Ireland Mary Daly. 1986. 138pp.

The Great Irish Famine Cormac O Grada. Repr. 1992. 87pp.

The Visitation of God?: The Potato and the Great Irish Famine Austin Bourke. ed Jacqueline Hill, Cromac O Grada. 1993. 230 pp.

Paddy's Lament: Ireland 1846-47 Thomas Gallagher. 1982. 345 pp. American author. Currently available in ppk in major bookstores.

Famine: The Irish Experience 900-1900 - Subsistence Crisis and Famines in Ireland ed E. Margaret Crawford. 1994.

The History and Social Influence of the Potato Redcliffe Salaman. 1949. Repr 1987.

The Largest Amount of Good: Quaker Relief in Ireland 1654-1921 Helen E. Hatton. McGill-Queen's University Press, [1939?].

"The Irish Famine: A Blighted Fable." In The Fourth Horseman: a short history of epidemics, plagues, famines, and other scourges. Andrew Nikiforuk. 1991. NY: M. Evans & Co.

> Ireland

Crawford, E. Margaret, ed. Famine: The Irish Experience:900-1900 [Edinburgh, 1989]

Daly, Mary The Famine in Ireland [1988]

Donnelly, James, Chapters XII - XIX in A New History of Ireland. Vol. V. Ireland Under the Union I: 1801-1870 ed by W.E. Vaughan [Oxford, 1989]

Edwards, R.D. & Williams, T.D. ed. The Great Famine: Studies in Irish History [1956]

Garner, Edward. To die by inches : an account of the Fermoy Poor Law Union during the Great Famine, 1845-1850 HC260.5.Z7F474 [1986]

Irish University Press Series of British Parliamentary Papers : Famine (Ireland) -- Shannon J301.H1F34

Litton, Helen The Irish Famine: An Illustrated History Published by Wolfhound Press, Dublin, 1994, reprinted 1995.

Lowe-Evans, Mary Crimes Against Fecundity: Joyce and Population Control [1989]

Mokyr, Joel. Why Ireland Starved: A Quantitative and Analytical History of the Irish Economy, 1800-1850 [1983]

Morash, C. The Hungry Voice [1989]

O'Grada, Cormac The Great Irish Famine [1989]

O'Neill, Kevin Family and Farm in Pre-famine Ireland: The Parish of Killeshandra [1984]

O'Rourke, J. History of the Great Famine of 1847 [1875]

Transactions of the Central Relief Committee of the Society of Friends during the Famine in Ireland in 1846 and 1847 [Dublin, 18??]

Woodham-Smith, Cecil The Great Hunger [1962]

>Fiction

Mangan, James. Famine Diary: Gerard kegan's diary of a coffin ship journey Wolfhound Press, 1993

O'Flaherty, Liam. Famine Wolfhound Press. This is the classic novel on the great famine, and was reviewed by Anthony Burgess as "a masterpiece...the kind of truth that only a major writer of fiction is capable of." [reviewed in The Irish Press]

http://www.uhb.fr/Langues/Cei/gfbiblio.htm (20060107)

zie ook: http://vlib.iue.it/history/europe/eire/ (20060107)

D.G. Boyce, The Irish Question and British Politics, 1868-1996 (1996).

Nicholas Canny, "The Ideology of English Colonization: From Ireland to America", William and Mary Quarterly 30 (1973), 575-598.

S.J. Connolly, "Revisions Revised? New Work on the Irish Famine", Victorian Studies (Winter 1996), 205-216.

L.P. Curtis, Anglo-Saxons and Celts (1968).

James S. Donnelly, Jr., "The Great Famine: Its Interpreters, Old and New", History Ireland (1993), 27-39.

------------------------- "'Irish Property must Pay for Irish Poverty': British Public Opinion and the Great Irish Famine", in C. Morash and R. Hayes, eds., Fearful Realities: New Perspectives on the

Famine (1996), 60-76.

------------------------- "Mass Evictions and the Great Famine", in Cathal Poirteir, ed., The Great Irish Famine

(1995), 155-173.

S. Gilley and Roger Swift, eds., The Irish in Britain, 1815-1939 (1989).

------------------------- The Irish in the Victorian City (1985).

Peter Gray, Famine, land, and politics (1999).

Alvin Jackson. Ireland 1798-1988 (Oxford, 1999).

Christine Kinealy, This Great Calamity: The Irish Famine 1845-52 (1995).

------------------- A death-Dealing Famine: The Great Hunger in Ireland (1997).

------------------- "Beyond Revisionism: Reassessing the Great Irish Famine", History Ireland 3 (1995).

------------------- "The Famine, 1845-52: How England Failed Ireland", Modern History Review (1995), 18-21.

Noel Kissane, ed., The Irish famine: a documentary history (1995).

Ed Lengel, "A "Perverse and Ill-Fated People": English Perceptions of the Irish, 1845-1851" Essays in History 38 (1996) in http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/journals/EH/EH38/Lengel.html

F.S.L. Lyons, Ireland since the Famine (1973).

Christopher Morash, Writing the Irish Famine (1995).

Brendan Ó Cathaoir, Famine diary (1999).

Alan O'Day and D. George Boyce, eds, The Making of Modern Irish History: Revisionism and the Revisionist Controversy (1996).

Cormac Ó Gráda, ed., The Great Irish Famine (1989).

-------------------- Black '47 and Beyond: The Great Irish Famine in History, Economy, and Memory (1999)

-------------------- Ireland before and after the Famine (1989).

Patrick O'Sullivan, ed., The meaning of the famine (1997).

Cathal Póirtéir, ed., The Great Irish Famine (1995).

Susan Shaw Sailer, ed., Representing Ireland : gender, class, nationality(1997).

Cecil Woodham-Smith, The Great Hunger: Ireland, 1845-49 (1962).

http://www.umbc.edu/history/CHE/InstPg/RitFamine/irish-famine-bibliography.html (20060107)

zie ook: http://www.ucc.ie/famine/Ireland's%20Famine/bibliography.htm (20060107)

zie ook: http://www.humboldt1.com/~history/lexiso/bib.html (20060107)
Land: IRL